Revenue
in sentence
1117 examples of Revenue in a sentence
While the distribution profiles between employees and
revenue
could be sharply dissimilar in some companies, on average they were almost identical: for a sub-sample of 73 companies among Europe’s top 100, the home base represented 37% of employees and 35% of
revenue
on average in 2005, while the rest of Europe accounted for 29% of employees and 28% of
revenue.
But the impossibility of raising
revenue
then triggered the French Revolution, with the revolutionaries demanding confiscatory taxes and impositions on the wealthy elite.
In particular, slow growth and
revenue
losses, owing to economic liberalization programs, have reduced the scope for fiscal policy, with serious consequences for poverty and destitution.
Russia’s government still depends on oil and gas for 40% of its revenue, and the economy, deprived of both entrepreneurial dynamism and foreign investment, remains moribund.
But, though that is certainly desirable in the long term, currently there are no
revenue
flows into such a budget, and there is no governance structure to execute it.
Smart TaxationROME – An effective tax policy that ensures adequate domestic
revenue
is a crucial determinant of a country’s ability to pursue development policies.
Although non-tax
revenue
may contribute significantly to some countries’ total GDP, the average tax/GDP ratios in low-income and lower-middle-income countries are roughly 15% and 19%, respectively – significantly lower than the OECD average of more than 35%.
To finance development projects, poor and lower-middle-income countries must devise and implement tax strategies to increase domestic
revenue.
In many developing countries, total tax
revenue
is derived from three main sources: domestic taxes on goods and services (sales and excise taxes), direct taxes (primarily on corporations), and, most important, taxes on foreign trade (import duties).
But, as trade liberalization has lowered tariffs and duties, the share of trade taxes has declined, while other sources have not compensated for falling trade
revenue.
By contrast, in high-income countries, income taxes (primarily on individuals) comprise the largest proportion of tax
revenue
(roughly 36%), while domestic taxes on goods and services and social-security contributions each account for slightly more than one-quarter.
In many countries, tax reform has already significantly increased the share of direct taxes in overall
revenue.
In order to increase personal-income taxes’ share of total revenue, developing countries are already improving their tax administrations in innovative ways, particularly to reach hard-to-tax citizens.
Moreover, excise taxes are a convenient source of
revenue
in developing countries, as they are primarily levied on products such as alcohol, tobacco, gas, vehicles, and spare parts, which involve few producers, large sales volumes, relatively inelastic demand, and easy observability.
But, as direct-tax concessions have little or no effect in diverting international investment, let alone in attracting such flows, they constitute an unnecessary loss of
revenue.
Beggar-thy-neighbor policies will lead to
revenue
losses for all developing countries, while undermining the possibility of balanced, inclusive, and sustainable development.
Set at a low enough level – say, 0.25% – such a tax would have little adverse effect on the global economy while raising considerable
revenue.
Making matters worse, because an export-led recovery yields less
revenue
– value-added taxes are rebated on exports, but collected on imports – seemingly strong government finances quickly turned into large deficits.
Militants in the oil-rich Niger Delta region have at times shut down as much as 30% of the country’s oil exports, a vital source of state
revenue.
The US and the employer would have benefited from the employee’s labor and tax revenue, while Colombia would benefit from the worker’s return, presumably with more money and enhanced skills.
Meanwhile, US states have been faced with massive
revenue
shortfalls, exceeding $200 billion.
Indeed, many African countries are increasingly sharing the burden, by collecting much more of their own
revenue
and spending it on items like health and education.
A distinctive feature of the Chinese growth order is that local governments compete actively against each other for jobs, revenue, investment, and access to fiscal and human resources.
Hence, the interplay between local and central governments is complex, particularly in terms of
revenue
sharing and responsibility for providing public services.
Because local governments receive 50% of total national fiscal revenue, but account for 85% of total fiscal expenditure, they try to supplement their budgets through land sales.
Cheap funding and land
revenue
have led to excess infrastructure and industrial capacity without adequate market discipline.
It will also require revising the framework for
revenue
sharing between central and local governments, as well as transparency in local-government finance.
To be sure, taxes are needed to finance social spending, but
revenue
sources other than taxes on labor income could do the job.
At present, industry is the primary source of tax
revenue
for the government, particularly at the local level, giving the state too little incentive to foster a service economy.
Fifth, weak profitability, owing to high debts and default risk, low economic – and thus
revenue
– growth, and persistent deflationary pressure on companies’ margins, will continue to constrain firms’ willingness to produce, hire workers, and invest.
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