Reunification
in sentence
188 examples of Reunification in a sentence
While German unemployment, now below 4%, is at its lowest level since reunification, EU unemployment still hovers around 9%.
Twenty years of
reunification
have taught some hard truths in Germany.
While her antipathy to German
reunification
was ill-judged, her doubts about the ability to reconcile greater political integration in the European Union with democratic accountability in its member states has gained many more sympathizers over the years – and not only in her own country.
At the same time, the US must engage candidly with China on a longer-term vision for what possible Korean
reunification
would mean for both countries and their relations with the Republic of Korea.
Prior to reunification, Germany was the main motor of integration; now, weighed down by reunification’s costs, German taxpayers are determined to avoid becoming European debtors’ deep pocket.
The New NeutralityTOKYO – Throughout the Cold War, the Soviet Union used every imaginable threat and inducement – including the ultimate prize of
reunification
– to bring about a neutral Germany.
By offering to permit South Korea to settle its bilateral trade accounts in renminbi, and to launch the first-ever Sino-South Korean initiative toward North Korea, Xi is seeking to convince South Korea’s leaders that the country’s future, including reunification, will be determined in Beijing.
And an exceptional spate of budget deficits following German
reunification
in 1990 appeared only to aggravate, not solve, reunified Germany’s structural problems.
China fears not only the social and economic consequences of a North Korean implosion, but also the strategic consequences of
reunification
– in particular, that the US military, through its alliance with South Korea, would gain access to territory on its border.
Chinese leaders recall that the US promised Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev that German
reunification
and democratic transition in Eastern Europe would not mean eastward expansion of NATO.
Already in February, the Bundestag voted to change Germany’s benign asylum laws, thereby suspending family
reunification
for refugees, decreasing monthly cash benefits, facilitating deportation of failed asylum-seekers, and designating Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia as safe countries of origin.
Only in this manner – reflected most vividly in its embrace of the European project – did Germany win consent for its
reunification.
Over time, countries could also establish procedures enabling asylum-seekers to apply more easily for labor, student, or family
reunification
visas.
Germans, who since
reunification
in 1990 know what they are talking about when it comes to such transfers, do not want to hear about a Europe where rich regions would permanently finance pockets of under-development.
The Tokugawa Shoguns, who completed the
reunification
of Japan in 1600, remained in power for more than two and a half centuries.
Twelve years ago, during and after reunification, the question was whether the German colossus would be tempted to establish first an economic and then a political hegemony over the continent.
All of Europe would benefit if Germany assumed the role of a benevolent leader that takes into account not only its narrow self-interest, but also the interests of the rest of Europe – a role similar to that played by the US in the global financial system after World War II, and by Germany itself prior to its
reunification.
The reforms in Italy and Spain are rightly reviewed as crucial, and there appears to be a deep understanding (based on Germany’s own experience in the decade and a half following reunification) that restoring competitiveness, employment, and growth takes time.
The country is undergoing a construction boom not seen since
reunification.
Once the Republic of Ireland and the UK both belonged to the EU, the impetus for Irish
reunification
disappeared, and the decades-long civil war between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland could be put to rest.
Moreover, Germany’s experience with
reunification
suggests that political union is integral to such a union’s success.
In Germany, which largely owes its
reunification
to its firm roots in the EU and NATO, Europe-weariness is palpable.
Annan’s
reunification
proposal provided the blueprint for a “United Republic of Cyprus” comprising a federation of two states.
This anniversary should have provided ample reason for a heated debate about the successes and failures of German
reunification
and for offering a vision for Germany and Europe for the next 20 years.
For starters, Germany has repeatedly renounced it, first in 1969 by signing (and later ratifying) the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), and then in 1990 by signing the so-called Two Plus Four Treaty, which paved the way for German
reunification.
That means that if the Kim regime collapses, the US will not pursue
reunification.
The process fed on its own success, and, as the Soviet Union crumbled, it received a powerful boost from the prospect of German
reunification.
But the excesses were mainly in the private sector, as interest-rate convergence generated economic divergence: lower interest rates in the weaker countries fueled housing bubbles, while the strongest country, Germany, had to tighten its belt in order to cope with the burden of
reunification.
With Germany’s reunification, the main impetus behind the integration process was removed, the financial crisis unleashed a process of disintegration.
China fears that if the North’s abandonment of its nuclear weapons led to eventual Korean reunification, US soldiers – of which there are now 28,500 in South Korea – would arrive at its doorstep.
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