Reunification
in sentence
188 examples of Reunification in a sentence
But since that time, the trade and investment volumes across the straits have become so intense that last November, leaders from both sides held a historic summit to discuss eventual peaceful
reunification.
Two days before the North Korean delegation arrived, the Committee for the Peaceful
Reunification
of Korea (CPRK), which is officially part of the Korean Workers Party, denounced the “South Korean puppet forces for seriously violating the North-South joint declarations and pushing North-South ties into the worst catastrophe.”
But then the would-be heirs to the US faded: The Soviet Union collapsed, Japan’s economic miracle imploded, and Germany became entangled in
reunification
and European integration.
This is a complex matter related to the efforts by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan to negotiate a comprehensive settlement leading to
reunification
of the island.
It helped that the Chinese government has been keen to encourage
reunification
with Taiwan, meaning that a more favorable view of the Nationalist government has appeared on the mainland.
Researchers already estimate that
reunification
could raise annual incomes by about €1.8 billion – more than €5,500 per household.
Everyone needs to see that there are benefits to
reunification
that will simplify life, strengthen the economy, and outweigh the compromises that any settlement will require.
In Germany, restructuring of the SOEs of the former East Germany began soon after
reunification
and proceeded quickly, due to Chancellor Kohl's political will and the vast financial resources lavished on the problem.
Germans thinking about the likelihood of transfers to southern Europe doubtless recall their country’s
reunification
after the collapse of communist East Germany in 1989-1990.
Second, peaceful
reunification
of the mainland and Taiwan remains unlikely, unless it takes place – as China continues to promise – on the basis of “one country, two systems.”
Countries like Spain, Greece, and Ireland developed real-estate bubbles, grew faster, and developed trade deficits with the rest of the eurozone, while Germany – weighed down by the costs of
reunification
– reined in its labor costs, became more competitive and developed a chronic trade surplus.
The conventional wisdom is that the euro was the political price Germany paid for French acquiescence to its
reunification.
In fact, German
reunification
only provided the final impetus for a project conceived in the 1980s to resolve a longstanding dilemma.
In retrospect, German
reunification
was more a curse than a blessing.
The
reunification
of Europe was to overcome the legacy of Yalta and ensure peace, security, democracy and development.
This distinct genealogy contributed to the fact that after 1989 the real priorities of the Union was not the rapid
reunification
of Europe but rather deepening integration of its western half, and protecting itself from possible destabilizing effects of radical geopolitical changes.
North Korea seeks nothing less than to decouple the United States from its South Korean partner – a split that would enable the
reunification
of the Korean Peninsula on Kim’s terms.
Evidence from Germany’s
reunification
and the Eastern European integration process suggest that the costs may be substantial and long-running.
German reunification, preceded by West Germany’s policy of direct engagement, or Ostpolitik, with East Germany in the last decades of the Cold War, was a source of profound inspiration for Kim.
Although Ostpolitik could not change the East German regime’s nature, it did make East Germany heavily dependent on West Germany, and gave Kohl significant political leverage during the
reunification
process.
South Korean liberals argue that this policy compromised the national goal of peaceful reunification, by turning it into an empty slogan.
Thus, Moon will most likely pursue a two-pronged strategy that pairs denuclearization with engagement and preparations for eventual
reunification.
Despite this history, Korean liberals recognize that Chinese cooperation will be necessary for achieving
reunification.
Germany had to contend with historically high unemployment, stemming from
reunification
with a sick East Germany.
The fact that only Taiwan stands in the way makes
reunification
all the more non-negotiable.
In 1973, as Sino-US relations were thawing, Mao admitted to Henry Kissinger that, though he did not believe
reunification
would come peacefully, "We can do without Taiwan for the time being, and let it come after 100 years...Why is there a need to be in such great haste?"
Most Chinese would probably like to see this absence remedied as much as they favor full
reunification.
Then, as Chancellor – a position he held for 16 years – Kohl played a key role in German
reunification
and, together with Mitterand and others, drafted the Maastricht Treaty that created the European Union.
(Germany’s domestic spending was significantly higher in the 1990s, but that was largely the result of German reunification, and was not sustainable.)
With the division of Germany considered a microcosm of the broader European split during the Cold War, German
reunification
seemed possible only in the context of an integrated Europe – a point that Chancellor Helmut Kohl emphasized in the debates of 1990, as
reunification
beckoned.
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