Reserves
in sentence
1741 examples of Reserves in a sentence
Of course, the East Asian economies today are better able to withstand such massive outflows, given their accumulation of international
reserves
since the financial crisis in 1997.
Indeed, the global stock of
reserves
has more than tripled since the Asian financial crisis.
China, for example, used nearly $500 billion of its
reserves
in 2015 to fight capital outflows and prevent the renminbi’s sharp depreciation; but it still has more than $3 trillion in
reserves.
The stockpile of
reserves
may partly explain why huge outflows have not triggered a full-blown financial crisis in developing countries.
Those with high levels of foreign debt but with
reserves
should also consider buying back their sovereign debt in the international capital market, taking advantage of falling bond prices.
While
reserves
may provide some cushion for minimizing the adverse effects of capital outflows, in most cases they will not be sufficient.
Putin’s Russia needs oil at $100 a barrel and will start running out of currency
reserves
in 2-3 years.
In fact, the Tenth Amendment of the US Constitution explicitly
reserves
for the states all powers not delegated to the federal government.
This is particularly true in the advanced economies, where depleted financial
reserves
and political paralysis are preventing constructive investments in areas like infrastructure and education, which can enable citizens to take advantage of globalization’s benefits.
A West African country with newly discovered oil
reserves
needs to finance exploration, drilling, and pipeline construction, which means that it needs to hedge at a time horizon of 10-20 years, not 90 days.
Venezuela has some of the world’s largest oil and gas reserves, and is a major exporter (though smaller than ten years ago).
Instead, crisis-affected global financial entities have used it to support their efforts to deleverage and to rebuild their capital, while large corporations have been building large cash
reserves
and refinancing their debt under favorable conditions.
What grabbed headlines was that the IMF now believes that countries could even use capital controls, renamed “capital flow management measures,” if implemented alongside monetary and fiscal measures, accumulation of foreign-exchange reserves, and macroprudential financial regulations.
Many emerging-market policymakers view accumulation of foreign-exchange
reserves
during the 2000’s as having insured their countries against exchange-rate volatility and loss of export competitiveness.
Unlike in the past, however, emerging and developing countries avoided the worst, precisely because they had learned to accumulate foreign
reserves
and regulate cross-border capital flows, and to ease such measures to prevent or mitigate sudden stops.
Capital is flowing out of the country, and official
reserves
are slowly being depleted.
Indeed, China has a massive war chest of foreign-exchange
reserves
that it would not hesitate to use to inject capital into commercial banks.
With limited, if any, hard-currency (US dollar or gold)
reserves
on hand, and little prospect for acquiring dollars through export earnings, European economies attempted to shrink their current-account deficits by compressing imports from other (mostly) European countries.
After a long and spectacular “bonanza” in commodity prices since the early 2000s, driven largely by China’s investment boom, many commodity exporters found themselves with historically high levels of foreign-exchange
reserves.
After all, in the past, increases and decreases in the growth rate of the monetary base (currency in circulation plus commercial banks’
reserves
held at the central bank) produced – or at least were accompanied by – rises and falls in the inflation rate.
To explain this abrupt and radical change requires examining more closely the relationship between the monetary base and inflation, and understanding the changing role of the
reserves
that commercial banks hold at the Federal Reserve.
Banks are required by law to maintain
reserves
at the Fed in proportion to the checkable deposits on their books.
So an increase in
reserves
allows commercial banks to create more of such deposits.
To increase commercial banks’ reserves, the Fed historically used open-market operations, buying Treasury bills from them.
That made sense only if the bank used the
reserves
to back up expanded lending and deposits.
A bank that that did not need the additional
reserves
could of course lend them to another bank that did, earning interest at the federal funds rate on that interbank loan.
Essentially all of the increased
reserves
ended up being “used” to support increased commercial lending.
All of this changed in 2008, when a legislative reform allowed the Fed to pay interest on excess
reserves.
The commercial banks could sell Treasury bills and longer-term bonds to the Fed, receive
reserves
in exchange, and earn a small but very safe return on those
reserves.
Although a link between the Fed’s creation of
reserves
and the subsequent increase in spending remained, its magnitude changed dramatically.
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