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Reserves in sentence

1741 examples of Reserves in a sentence

With that in mind, he has declared that no more indigenous reserves will be demarcated, and existing reserves will be opened up to mining.
Policy interest rates are near zero (and sometimes below it) in most advanced economies, and the monetary base (money created by central banks in the form of cash and liquid commercial-bank reserves) has soared – doubling, tripling, and, in the United States, quadrupling relative to the pre-crisis period.
Argentina certainly has massive reserves still to be exploited: an estimated 19.9 billion barrels of crude oil and 583 trillion cubic feet of gas, concentrated in the Vaca Muerta shale formation.
Far from exploiting shale reserves, the world needs to halt new fossil-fuel projects, phase out existing ones, and implement ambitious clean-energy investment strategies focused on providing decent jobs and respecting communities’ rights to control development on their land.
When the moving market rate reaches the edges of the fluctuation band, the PBOC can intervene in the market by buying or selling its foreign-exchange reserves.
So the PBOC informed the market that the depreciation would not exceed 3% – a credible statement, given abundant official reserves with which to stabilize the exchange rate.
The IMF also has the unique advantage of being the only depositary of international reserves.
The continent also ranks first or second in world reserves of bauxite, industrial diamonds, phosphate rock, vermiculite, and zirconium.
Hydrocarbon reserves in Africa are estimated at 80-200 billion barrels.
The current value of sub-Saharan Africa’s mineral reserves is conservatively put at $1.2 trillion.
Thus far, much of the interest among investors has been focused on Myanmar’s energy and mining sectors – no surprise, given the country’s large reserves of oil and gas, its 90% share of global jade production, and its strong position in ruby and sapphire mining.
True, China, with its vast foreign exchange reserves, has the wherewithal to spend as much on countercyclical macroeconomic policy as anyone.
But China’s rulers know that their highly repressed banking system is vulnerable as the country continues to pursue gradual financial liberalization, and that foreign currency reserves may be needed for recapitalization.
Today, however, emerging countries increasingly prefer to “self-insure” by accumulating reserves (and sharing them through regional pooling arrangements).
That risk is real, but it is not inevitable, because the relationship between the reserves held at the Fed and the subsequent stock of money and credit is no longer what it used to be.
The explosion of reserves has not fueled inflation yet, and the large volume of reserves could in principle be reversed later.
Anyone concerned about inflation has to focus on the volume of reserves being created by the Fed.
Traditionally, the volume of bank deposits that constitute the broad money supply has increased in proportion to the amount of reserves that the commercial banks had available.
Therefore, faster growth of reserves led to faster growth of the money supply – and on to a higher rate of inflation.
The Fed in effect controlled – or sometimes failed to control – inflation by limiting the rate of growth of reserves.
The total volume of reserves had remained virtually unchanged during the previous decade, varying between $40 billion and $50 billion.
By June of 2011, the volume of reserves stood at $1.6 trillion, and has since remained at that level.
But this rise in reserves did not translate into rapid growth of deposits at commercial banks, because the Fed began in October 2008 to pay interest on those reserves.
As a result, the money supply has grown by only 25% since 2008, despite the 40-fold increase in reserves since that time.
The massive substitution of reserves for longer-term securities during the period of “quantitative easing,” and of Treasury bills for long-term securities in Operation Twist, has succeeded in reducing long-term interest rates.
The risk is that the commercial banks could always decide to start using those excess reserves, forgoing the low rate of interest paid on deposits by the Fed (only 0.25%) and lending those funds to firms and households.
The large volume of reserves, together with the liquidity created by quantitative easing and Operation Twist, makes that risk greater.
The moves towards full capital-account convertibility have proceeded in step with impressive growth in India's foreign-currency reserves.
As a result of a current-account surplus and an interest-rate differential of 3-4%, foreign reserves reached $70.3 billion by the end of 2002--enough to cover almost 15 months of imports--up from only US$4 billion in 1990.
The downside risk of capital-account liberalization, after all, is higher exchange-rate volatility, and even countries with sound liquidity positions could not prevent a run on their reserves.
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