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Reserve in sentence

857 examples of Reserve in a sentence

At this rate, its reserve fund will be emptied before the end of the year.
The fact that the reserve fund is now being consumed in this way represents a decisive step in a protracted debate over Russia’s military spending.
When then-Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin – who had presided over budget surpluses, helped to build up the reserve fund and cut state debt considerably – argued that Russia could not afford such an increase, he was fired.
Great Expectations for the RenminbiSHANGHAI – The International Monetary Fund’s recent decision to add the Chinese renminbi to the basket of currencies that determine the value of its reserve asset, the Special Drawing Right, has captured headlines around the world.
Indeed, as Arvind Subramanian has argued, China’s share of global GDP and trade is what makes the renminbi likely to become a global reserve currency.
But even at that level, the renminbi could be the world’s third reserve currency, after the dollar and the euro, by 2030.
For a range of infections – including strains of pneumonia, E. coli, and gonorrhea – there are no replacements in reserve.
When a new antibiotic is discovered, public health authorities rightly want to keep it in reserve, insisting that it be used only when all other options have failed.
And its international reserve position of $370 billion, which once seemed unassailable, looks increasingly vulnerable.
Top Chinese officials have recently begun to call for the People’s Bank of China to cut interest rates and lower reserve requirements.
The benefits derived from the dollar being the world’s main reserve currency constitute the “exorbitant privilege” about which France’s then-finance minister, Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, complained in the 1960s.
Exploiting what Valéry Giscard d’Estaing called the “exorbitant privilege” of the world’s reserve currency, the US borrowed surplus savings from abroad on very attractive terms, running massive balance-of-payments, or current-account, deficits to attract foreign capital.
A government that buys political risk insurance by placing an ever-growing stock of reserve assets in dollar securities guards against some dangers.
China’s $3 billion investment in Blackstone, while insignificant relative to China’s $1.3 trillion of reserve assets – a sum headed for $1.5 trillion by the end of this year and likely to hit $2 trillion sometime in 2009 – is but a toe dipped in the water, a test run.
Deals like China’s investment in Blackstone postpone that backlash, but not for long: $3 billion is equivalent to what China accumulates in reserve in less than three working days.
If profits were eliminated, the need for that reserve army would disappear.
The current British government has a similar opportunity to turn 800,000 square kilometers of Pacific Ocean around the tiny British Overseas Territory of Pitcairn into a no-take marine reserve.
Its efforts focus mainly on increasing banks’ mandatory reserve ratios while introducing administrative measures to deal with food price pressures, approving a couple of token interest-rate hikes, and managing a modest upward adjustment in the currency.
This is particularly true of the quantitative easing now underway in the United States, because the American dollar is the major global reserve currency.
A reserve requirement on cross-border flows is one of them.
The Sixty-Year StormToday’s financial crisis, triggered by the collapse of the housing bubble in the United States, also marks the end of an era of credit expansion based on the dollar as the international reserve currency.
The basic problem is that there are essential imperfections in an international monetary system that is based on the use of a national currency as the world’s main reserve currency.
That agenda must include two issues of global monetary reform that remain unaddressed: coordinated global regulation of capital flows in the short term, and a long-term shift toward a new international monetary system based on a true global reserve currency (possibly based on the International Monetary Fund’s Special Drawing Rights).
The US could benefit from such policies, as capital-account regulation would force investors to find opportunities at home, while a true global reserve currency would free the US from concerns – and harsh rebukes – about the implications of its monetary policy on the global economy.
In the short term, he suggests that countries with reserve currencies spend more (especially to finance public-sector investments) and issue more debt.
The turning point in this spring’s euro panic came when big holders of reserve currencies signaled that they saw the need for the euro as an alternative to the increasingly problematic dollar and the equally vulnerable yen.
An appropriate reserve currency and adequate international liquidity represent another central concern.
A useful reserve currency must be limited in supply, but have sufficient elasticity to satisfy the large, unpredictable needs that may arise in a turbulent financial world.
That is the main purpose behind the proposed taxes on foreign exchange transactions now being discussed around the globe, as well as devices like Chile's extra reserve requirements on foreign-owned deposits.
Just enough Republican senators (three, but more were in reserve if needed) voted to reject the last of several efforts to fulfill the party’s vow to replace “Obamacare.”
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