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Reserve in sentence

857 examples of Reserve in a sentence

Moreover, with growing concerns about the sustainability of US fiscal policy, the euro has a huge opportunity to play a significantly larger role as a reserve currency.
Next year, the government is set to use $40-45 billion of its reserve fund for budget financing.
Saudi Arabia’s massive reserve losses in the wake of falling oil prices reflect this policy response.
Within the eurozone, such reserve losses are automatic under Target2, the real-time gross settlement system for the euro.
By some of the standard definitions, these are crisis-level reserve losses (shaded in the figure).
After all, the current American and European economies differ in important ways from the other post-war cases – size, simultaneous consolidation in many countries, already-low interest rates, and the dollar’s status as the main global reserve currency.
Some resorted to capital-account regulations on inflows, such as taxes on the foreign purchases of bonds, equities, and derivatives, reserve requirements on short-term inflows, and so forth.
Making matters worse, the Chinese authorities are tightening credit and regulating the money supply through sterilization and high reserve requirements for bank deposits – an approach that undermines real economic growth considerably.
Foreign-exchange reserve accumulation depresses the exchange rate, ostensibly as a smoothing device.
Instead of wasting months begging for aid, such a reserve fund would be capable of delivering it immediately.
As Claudio Borio pointed out years ago, the global financial cycle is longer and larger than real economic cycles, and is closely associated with the fluctuating value of the dominant reserve currency, the US dollar.
But that requires a willingness to resolve the so-called Triffin dilemma – the conflict between long-term international interests and short-term domestic interests that issuers of reserve currencies confront – by running increasingly large current-account deficits that enable the US to meet global demand for liquidity.
With the US, the issuer of the world’s preeminent reserve currency, unwilling or unable to provide the liquidity needed to close the infrastructure investment gap, a new supplementary reserve currency should be instituted – one whose issuer does not have to confront the Triffin dilemma.
Of course, the road to becoming a reserve currency is long, especially for the SDR, which currently functions only as a reserve asset, with an issuance size ($285 billion) that is small relative to global official reserves of $10.5 trillion (excluding gold).
No matter how justifiable such a policy may be on other grounds, the result in such circumstances is almost always more capital flight and mounting reserve losses.
They also offset the expansionary effects of the accumulation of reserves by, among other things, increasing their commercial banks’ reserve requirements.
As a result, money growth outpaced reserve accumulation during the 2008-2014 period.
If one looks at the reserves-to-money ratio, the reversal is even starker than that suggested by looking at reserve data alone.
Given that the share of US-dollar-denominated Chinese corporate debt, though low by international standards, rose markedly in recent years, the reserve-to-money ratio may be as informative as the headline $3.2 trillion reserve number.
If major banks had had a “lean against the wind” strategy in reserve, that would have influenced expectations and at least partly stabilized asset prices, possibly mitigating – or even averting – the most damaging effects of the financial crisis.
The European Monetary System began as a high-level reaction to global currency chaos, and in particular to the depreciation of the dollar in 1977 and 1978, which seemed to threaten its continued role as the major international reserve currency.
And the country’s other longstanding advantages – flexibility, capacity for renewal, economic mobility, international regulatory strength, and the world’s main reserve currency – remain in place.
But many in China, from nationalist bloggers to social justice activists, advance a deeper critique of the Leviathan reserve.
Indeed, unlike existing parallel arrangements, which have always been regional in nature and intended to complement the work of the IMF and the World Bank, the BRICS’ New Development Bank and contingent reserve agreement are not based on cultural, geographical, or historical links.
The most sensitive issue touched upon by the UN conference – too sensitive to be discussed at the G-20 – was reform of the global reserve system.
But, whether the US likes it or not, the dollar reserve system is fraying; the question is only whether we move from the current system to an alternative in a haphazard way, or in a more careful and structured way.
On the last day of the conference, as America was expressing its reservations about even discussing at the UN this issue which affects all countries’ well being, China was once again reiterating that the time had come to begin working on a global reserve currency.
Since a country’s currency can be a reserve currency only if others are willing to accept it as such, time may be running out for the dollar.
Between mid-1995 and 1998, however, the cheap-dollar regime was followed by an expensive-dollar regime, as the value of the dollar increased by more than 30% compared to other reserve currencies.
The fact that three of the nine directors of the Fed’s regional reserve banks are private bankers is an anachronism that creates the appearance, and potentially the reality, of a conflict of interest.
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