Requirements
in sentence
907 examples of Requirements in a sentence
The JAEA demonstration projects can be used to develop estimates of cost and other resource
requirements
– and resulting waste volumes – for defined levels of contaminant reduction, but they cannot be used to specify or justify the numerical goals of the regional cleanup.
A focus on corporate social responsibility could help to ensure that the benefits of industrialization are shared, while energy- and resource-efficiency
requirements
could help to safeguard sustainability.
No
requirements
were put on developing countries, yet within the not-too-distant future, they will contribute half or more of emissions.
Local-content
requirements
have spawned productive supplier industries in automotive and electronics products.
Combined with elevated capital
requirements
for banks, it would reduce the chance of another simultaneous failure of all credit channels.
Within the ACD framework, Thaksin launched the $1 billion “Asia Bond” last year in an effort to match Asia’s financial capital with its financing
requirements.
All EU countries, including the new members, should be encouraged to adapt social assistance schemes (which also exist in the new member states) so as to meet some basic income
requirements.
Banks’ capital
requirements
should, if anything, be increased.
But, six years after the start of the financial crisis, banks in many countries are still trying to repair their balance sheets, while new capital and liquidity
requirements
will make it more expensive for banks to finance long-term lending in the future.
Moreover, new capital
requirements
can make it very expensive for insurers to invest in infrastructure.
Firms can be made to internalize the costs they impose on society with appropriate regulation (for example, capital
requirements
with a systemic charge for financial institutions), but it is not so obvious what to do with “excessive” influence that comes with size.
The vast majority of Latin America countries do not fulfill any of these
requirements.
Relative economic strength explains why the Japanese yen failed to develop into an IVC, and why Tokyo – whose financial markets satisfied the relevant
requirements
– failed to become a 1-IFC.
But these risks do not outweigh the potential benefits of financial openness, and they can be minimized with effective monitoring and regulation, including
requirements
for large capital buffers and low leverage ratios, together with strong crisis-response mechanisms, like a resolution trust corporation.
These would include lower marginal tax rates, tighter criteria for determining benefits eligibility, stricter
requirements
for job searches, more resources for skills training, and less restrictive employment-protection regulation.
But the paper also shows that domestic prudential policies – such as capping home-mortgage loans at a certain percentage of the property’s value, or increasing banks’ capital
requirements
during economic upswings – can be effective at restraining lending booms.
Three out of four households that qualify for federal housing assistance are not receiving it, owing to conflicting eligibility requirements, duplicative applications, and complex multi-agency approval processes.
This should entail the application of powerful macro-prudential tools: higher and countercyclical capital requirements, quantitative reserve requirements, and direct controls on borrowing through loan-to-value or loan-to-income limits.
As a result, the necessary and logical corollary of the application of OMF is the restoration of quantitative reserve
requirements
to the policy toolkit.
Applying such
requirements
would not reverse the increase in the monetary base, but it would constrain its stimulative effect to the originally intended level.
To overcome these obstacles, a eurozone debt-mutualization scheme must satisfy three crucial
requirements.
A debt-pooling scheme that satisfies the
requirements
outlined here would signal that the eurozone member countries are serious about sticking together.
This will require a range of measures, such as higher capital
requirements
on sovereign debt, real stress testing of banks, and enlarging the EFSF’s mandate so that it can also recapitalize banks, not just bail out countries.
Huge investments – worth trillions of euros – will be needed to meet global energy
requirements.
With respect to financial supervision, there has been increasing support since the crisis for countercyclical capital requirements, at least for banks.
Such countercyclical capital
requirements
are likely to be added to the toolkit of macroprudential rules and policies, the use of which has risen as enthusiasm for light-touch financial supervision has faded.
Those tools include caps, linked to borrowers’ characteristics, on loan-to-value ratios; direct limits on currency and maturity mismatches in financial institutions’ balance sheets; limits on their balance sheets’ interconnectedness; and minimum reserve
requirements
for specific financial instruments.
The couple did take the boy’s twin sister, however, making it clear that what they had paid for was not the “service” provided by the mother, but the children themselves – or rather, just the one who met their
requirements.
The screening process forces applicant countries to take a long, hard look at how close they really are to meeting the accession requirements, thereby introducing a much-needed dose of realism into their debates about what needs to be done in the years ahead.
Higher equity-capital requirements, for example, require banks to fund themselves with relatively more equity and relatively less debt.
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