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Republics in sentence

177 examples of Republics in a sentence

Three ex-Soviet republics joined the European Union and NATO, asserting their desire not only for democracy and prosperity, but also to avoid being part of Russia ever again.
That is why he has tried so hard to destabilize Ukraine by fostering self-declared separatist republics in eastern Ukraine.
But, while Kazakhstan has not gone down the “color revolution” route to democracy that other post-Soviet republics like Ukraine and Georgia have followed, its timidity about reform does not justify isolation.
Under virtually any government -- monarchy or mullah -- Iran will seek to play a dominant role in the Persian Gulf to the west and economic influence among the former Soviet republics of Central Asia to the north.
After all, the tribute that the Kremlin pays Kadyrov and the corrupted elites of the other Caucasian republics has purchased palaces and gold pistols for men who are driving the region’s young, unemployed, and disadvantaged down the path of Islamic revolution.
It knew that the rest of Russia’s colonies – the so-called “Soviet republics” – would want to follow the ungrateful Baltic countries into freedom.
Something of this sort now characterizes relations between Russia and several former Soviet republics, for the foreign-policy doctrine that guides today’s Kremlin is a preposterous mix of nineteenth-century Realpolitik and early twentieth-century geopolitics.
The European Union’s embrace of post-communist republics in Central Europe represented a most powerful symbol of the reach of Western liberal democracy.
It took more than a decade during which politicians, so-called academics, and journalists whipped up emotions of incompatibility before people in the various republics were willing to think of separations, and it required bloody fighting before they were willing to be pushed into narrow ethnic confines.
Leaving the three Caucasian republics aside but including the successor states to Yugoslavia, this would mean an EU of some 35 members.
It is no longer a two-way tug-of-war between two small post-Soviet republics, but part of an Armenia-Turkey-Azerbaijan triangle.
The lax regimes on Russia’s borders with the former Soviet republics of Central Asia facilitate the smuggling of narcotics and other contraband.
Harvard’s Kenneth Rogoff dubbed the UK’s reliance on a simple-majority referendum to end a 55-year-old partnership “Russian roulette for republics,” because the procedure did not include the checks and balances that such a consequential decision should have required.
The new relationship with Russia needs careful management, and rapid extension of membership to former Soviet republics like Ukraine and Georgia could prove difficult.
Not only the US and Europe, but all former Soviet republics feel alienated by Putin’s aggressive tactics.
Yet China, too, is wary of Putin, and has been sending warm signals to leaders of former Soviet republics, such as Ukraine’s Yuliya Tymoshenko.
Russia’s nationalists are also outraged by Putin’s foreign policy, because it has alienated former Soviet republics and weakened Russia’s military.
The rest of the region’s mafia states, such as Russia, Azerbaijan, and other Central Asian former Soviet republics, either passed through a period of oligarchic flux, or took a direct path from communist dictatorship to criminal enterprise.
The Baltic republics of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania were the first to insist on traveling their own national path, and have since linked their fate to Europe as members of the European Union and NATO.
Rebuilding the EU’s relations with Ukraine and the other countries to the Union’s east would, however, also help shape relations with Russia, which today is facing a series of strategic challenges: relations with the USSR’s former republics; the proximity of a dynamic China; the exposed emptiness of Siberia; the future of Central Asia’s energy resources, around which the nineteenth-century “great game” between Russia, China, India, and America is restarting.
Although the Baltic republics merely reestablished their pre-WWII independence, and Yugoslavia's breakup was a bloody affair like so many other wars of independence, there is something tantalizing new in all this as well.
The Arab monarchies’ religious, even divine, basis of legitimacy proved sturdier than that of the Arab republics – Egypt, Syria, Yemen, Libya, and Tunisia – where secular governments’ reliance on rigged elections and a repressive state apparatus eroded their authority.
The message being transmitted from Georgia to Ukraine and the Central Asian Republics is heard very loudly.
Putin made the same claim when he sent troops to invade two ethnic enclaves in Georgia, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and recognized them as independent republics.
Its three republics – Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia – failed to learn from similarly linked groups of countries, such as the Benelux countries and the Baltic states, which, despite their historical grievances and political differences, united to achieve their common goals of stability, prosperity, and democracy.
Regardless of the nature of its formal relations with each of the three republics, Russia casts a long shadow over the Caucasus.
The attacks therefore are directed in equal measure against people from the Asian former Soviet republics, Africa, and the Far East, as well as Russian citizens from the Caucasus or who belong to one of Russia’s more than 90 national minorities.
Add to that the irregular legal status of these self-proclaimed “people’s republics,” which makes it impossible for Donbas’s industrial producers to trade with the world, and the region’s economic (and social) prospects seem bleak.
After Putin succeeded Boris Yeltsin as President of the Russian Federation, he followed three strategic goals, which he continues to pursue: an end to post-Soviet Russia’s strategic submission to the West; reestablishment of sovereignty over most of the ex-Soviet republics, or at least enough control over them to stop NATO’s eastward expansion; and gradual recovery of Russia’s status as a global power.
Russia’s recent recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia as separate republics, despite their de facto autonomous status within Georgia since the early 1990’s, will make it more difficult to find solutions to the problems of internally displaced persons (IDPs), returnees, and the resident population in the conflict zones.
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