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Rents in sentence

205 examples of Rents in a sentence

The other path was to discover and develop abundant petroleum resources, sit at the bottleneck of booming global economic growth, and extract the available rents.
Landlords neglected maintenance for decades, because they could not recoup the costs by raising rents, causing buildings to crumble in the annual monsoon rains.
In short, regulation tends to distort incentives, stimulating what economists call rent-seeking behavior: the taxi driver and the license official collect unearned premiums (rents) solely because they can exploit their position as insiders, not because they are more productive.
Without government regulation (including rules requiring that consumers purchase their useless services), public notaries would not have the position from which they draw rents.
Whereas regulation creates unearned rents for overprotected minorities (taxi drivers, notaries, airline pilots, and telecom or electricity workers), deregulation reduces these rents and redistributes them to the general public.
The wages of electrical workers are high precisely because they have appropriated a part of the rents created in an uncompetitive electricity market.
For example, electricity workers would realize that, as consumers, their gains from lower prices throughout the economy more than compensate them for the loss of rents in their own firms.
Bargaining is mostly about the distribution of excess rents between the firm and its workers.
In a competitive industry, where there are no excess rents, there is little to bargain about.
In tradable sectors, such as manufacturing and utilities, rents were created through non-tariff protection and subsidies, leading to anemic export growth.
The outcome is that in Europe, contrary to the US, an increase in the demand for services produces higher rents, rather than more jobs.
Meanwhile, trade policy becomes focused primarily on re-distributing rents, with employment and consumer interests viewed as secondary.
Monopoly rents translate into high market valuations.
Making European support even harder to come by, some European governments are eager to secure their share of rents from US firms.
But in the emerging winner-take-all economy, a trade war launched with the goal of forcing the rest of the world to open up, thereby allowing the aggressor’s own winning firms to earn higher rents, is an altogether different proposition.
Capitalism has perhaps eroded rents that workers in advanced countries enjoy by virtue of where they were born.
Private incentives are not well aligned with social returns: firms can gain from innovations that increase their market power, enable them to circumvent regulations, or channel rents that would otherwise accrue to others.
Moreover, the growing divide between the precariat and the privileged is being reinforced by 4IR business models, which often derive rents from owning capital or intellectual property.
But, in the long run, the real sector would probably suffer from monopolistic rents, inadequate competition, and a lack of innovation.
But there is almost no innovation, the elites are happy to live comfortably off energy rents, and corruption continues unchecked.
With lower oil rents to share, the domestic social contract is coming under strain.
This trend has coincided with a steep rise in the price of housing: over the last decade, rents have been rising more than three times as fast as wages.
Conversely, if an economy is tightly controlled by the state, has protectionist barriers against foreign imports and capital movements, or relies on rents from exhaustible resources to obtain foreign currency, transition to democracy can be plagued by populism and struggles for redistribution, hurting economic growth.
With their newly acquired competitive advantages, they can accrue undue profits, reinvesting part of their haul in acquiring even more unfair rents.
This is reflected in the fact that commodities and natural resources account for a majority of billionaires’ wealth in the EBRD countries, suggesting not just that resource rents are available, but also that those rents are being inadequately taxed.
As Luigi Zingales pointed out in 2012, oligarchs can use media ownership to solidify their political positions, which they can then exploit to secure rents from which they can fund media.
As Paul Collier of Oxford University has pointed out, the preponderance of dictatorships and autocratic kingdoms in the ranks of the largest oil exporters indicates that where these huge economic rents exist, pressures are created against economic diversification and democratization.
Further tax cuts would increase the deficit, while benefiting a sector that already enjoys rents.
Indeed, much of the money that accrues to those at the top is what economists call rents, which arise not from increasing the size of the economic pie, but from grabbing a larger slice of the existing pie.
Unfortunately, because Zuma’s government misused resource wealth by redistributing mineral rents to loyal clients, trust between the mining industry and the state is nonexistent.
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