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Rents in sentence

205 examples of Rents in a sentence

Apart from capital injections for construction work, support could take the form of subsidized rents or assistance for firms that employ refugees.
After relying on resource rents for decades, these governments must switch not only to new growth models, but also to more representative governance.
Smart machines and global connections have also boosted income inequality in two other ways: by increasing the size and scope of global markets for top-rated talent in a variety of fields (the so-called winner-take-all effect), and by generating huge excess returns or monopoly rents from the creation and ownership of intellectual property and intangible capital.
As a relatively small number of people have claimed a growing piece of the pie, in the form of rents and profits, surging inequality of wealth and income has fueled widespread frustration with existing economic and political arrangements.
Of course, Joseph Schumpeter famously argued that one need not worry too much about monopoly rents, because competition would quickly erase the advantage.
What would be easy arbitrage using the Internet and delivery services gets stopped in its tracks by trade organizations and manufacturers who convince legislators and/or bureaucrats to protect their monopoly rents.
Simply put, whereas citizens receiving rents benefit from falling prices for goods and services, producers (and potential producers) do not.
For example, payroll-tax cuts – which would enable small business-owners and entrepreneurs to expand, innovate, and become more competitive, thereby bolstering job creation and economic growth – might require reducing rents.
And landlords pay a 15% tax on rents, while unskilled workers pay a 23% tax on their meager incomes.
In 1992, subsidized credits, export subsidies, and import subsidies generated gross rents of some $60 billion in Russia.
Because so many businesses make money from the rents created by the rationing of foreign exchange, rather than by creating value, it is easy to believe that markets do not work, that entrepreneurs are speculators, and that governments need to control them and impose “fair” prices.
These will have to be financed, at least in part, by the imposition of environmental taxes, including carbon taxes, and taxes on the monopoly and other rents that have become pervasive in the market economy – and contribute enormously to inequality and slow growth.
The project emerged from a research question that goes to the heart of the debate on the proper role and actual motivations of the state in regulating markets: Does regulation exist to achieve some laudable social goal or mainly to extract rents?
In most cities, rents and home prices have increased faster than incomes, and in urban areas with robust job markets, housing stocks have failed to keep pace with demand.
Yet Putin’s system seems equipped to survive even the disappearance of oil rents.
In any case, if the oil price remains at around $50 per barrel, Russian oil rents will remain substantial.
As farm prices and rents fell, aristocracy faced decline.
Rents disappear, and think of the effects of airline deregulation on pilots’ salaries.
Beyond increased taxation of rents and estates, policymakers should pursue cooperative efforts to stem corporate tax avoidance, tax inversions, and the use of tax shelters.
In countries with little or no such endowments – where innovation, competitive efficiency, and a focus on production rather than rents is all the more important – the lack of good governance will lead to failure more rapidly.
Reducing pervasive government intervention in the economy and encouraging greater competition would reduce the near-monopolistic rents that create the incentives for corruption in the first place.
Extractive institutions create a non-level playing field, rents, and narrowly concentrated benefits for those with political power and connections.
As a result, Microsoft cannot extract anything close to its full monopoly rents unless it sells upgrades.
And the current regulatory environment increasingly allows for large corporations to wield power without accountability, resulting in higher monopoly rents and greater bargaining power.
In the past, when China’s own innovative capacity was weak, stronger IP protection would have meant merely more rents for foreign firms.
But it is particularly vital today, as the share of wages in national income declines, and the share of profits and rents rises – a trend that technological progress is accelerating.
If people devote more of their income to competing for scarce housing, driving up property prices and rents, GDP and “productivity” increase, because housing rent is included in GDP, even if the aggregate supply of housing services is unchanged.
Since 1985, the share of rents in the UK economy has doubled, from 6% of GDP to 12%.
If rents and commuting costs are driven up by intense competition for attractively located property, you can’t pay for them out of freely arising “consumer surplus.”
Conversely, almost all measured GDP would reflect zero-sum and/or impossible-to-automate activities – housing rents, sports prizes, artistic performance fees, brand royalties, and administrative, legal, and political system costs.
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