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Relations in sentence

3102 examples of Relations in a sentence

Without a fundamental reset, relations between Russia and Europe will continue to decay, eventually becoming characterized by benign neglect.
A No-Fly Zone for SyriaBRUSSELS – There is a saying, too often used in interpreting international relations, that my enemy’s enemy is my friend.
Repairing relations between South Korean and Japan could not be more urgent.
Until then, the United States had led a lonely battle to isolate Libya by severing diplomatic relations and imposing economic sanctions and embargos on oil imports and arms exports.
On May 31, 2006, the US reopened its embassy in Tripoli, ending the quarter-century hiatus in diplomatic relations.
Water is becoming a key security issue in Sino-Indian relations and a potential source of enduring discord.
The resumption of diplomatic relations with Myanmar was a critical feature of the Obama administration’s “rebalancing” toward Asia.
In regional terms, Obama’s restoration of relations with Cuba merits a place in the history books alongside Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger’s opening to China.
As grandiose as that claim may seem, the fact is that crossing the straits to Cuba signals a new, more open, and far more productive approach to relations with all of Latin America.
But this hesitant acceptance of a certain normality in its relations with its neighbors has always been vulnerable to a sudden eruption of Russia’s famously irrational “derzhava” – an aggressive ethos that glorifies the state and asserts its strength by pouncing on weakness.
While some tweaks to trade relations are needed, in the past such changes would have been pursued in an orderly and cooperative fashion – not under constant and growing tariff pressure.
G7 members lost a valuable opportunity to develop common positions on issues about which they could agree, and the rest of the world was shown more evidence that the global system’s long-standing core-periphery relations are no longer reliably buttressed by unity among established economic and financial powers.
This, in turn, underlines another fundamental reality – that the fight against international terrorism cannot be won without demilitarizing and de-radicalizing Pakistan, including by rebalancing civil-military relations there and reining in the country’s rogue Inter-Services Intelligence agency.
These include the structure of Russia’s political economy; the idealization of the state as a source of moral authority; and Russia’s particular brand of international relations.
Indeed, China’s policies have damaged its relations with nearly all of its neighbors.
The result, as one Japanese analyst put it, was that “China scored an own goal,” immediately reversing what had been a favorable trend in bilateral relations under the ruling Democratic Party of Japan.
And Netanyahu continues to oversee economic expansion and improved foreign relations, despite hostile rhetoric from Europe and elsewhere.
In its relations with the outside world, however, the Jewish state still has a long way to go.
Historically, the Jewish experience in international relations has not been particularly edifying.
Ethnocentrism is bound to distort a people’s relations with the rest of the world, and Israel’s doctrine of power was drawn from the depths of Jewish experience, particularly the eternal, unforgiving hostility of a Gentile world.
The role of the Holocaust as the constituent myth of the Zionist meta-narrative reinforced Israel’s tendency to face “the world,” an amorphous but imposing construct with which the Jews wage a dispute that cannot be resolved through the traditional tools of international relations.
In December, 1995, French foreign minister Hervé de Charette announced a "reorientation" of relations with NATO, from which France under General Charles de Gaulle had, for all practical purposes, withdrawn 30 years before.
Today, the United States and China serve as prime examples of a unilateralist approach to international relations, even as they aver support for strengthening global rules and institutions.
For example, the precedent that the US set in a 1984 International Court of Justice (ICJ) case filed by Nicaragua still resonates in China, underscoring that might remains right in international relations.
China’s new ADIZ, while aimed at solidifying its claims to territories held by Japan and South Korea, is similarly provocative, because it extends to areas that China does not control, setting a dangerous precedent in international relations.
Instead, regardless of whether it actually pulls back its troops to South Ossetia and Abkhazia, Russia has crossed the Rubicon, making this a watershed moment in the West’s post-Cold War relations with Russia.
In contrast, Russia’s timing suggests that Vladimir Putin seeks to accomplish its aggressive aims ahead of the US elections, thus avoid beginning relations with the next president on an overtly confrontational note.
Finally, the US and the EU must make clear that this kind of aggression will affect relations and Russia’s standing in the West.
The EU’s main objective in institutional terms, regarding its relations with Russia, should be to ground the institutions of the new European order around the EU as a principal policy actor and not on the individual member states.
If Russia’s strategy aims to erode the Union by focusing on bilateral relations, the EU’s priority should be to institutionalize the Union as Russia’s negotiating partner.
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