Relations
in sentence
3102 examples of Relations in a sentence
The Great Democracies’ New HarmonyCAMBRIDGE – When Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi invited US President Barack Obama to attend his country’s Republic Day ceremonies earlier this year, it signaled an important change in
relations
between the world’s two biggest democracies.
Ever since the 1990s, three American administrations have tried to improve bilateral relations, with mixed results.
While Indian officials are often discreet in public about
relations
with China, and wisely want bilateral trade and investment to grow, their security concerns remain acute.
As part of the group of Asian countries that will tend to balance China, India has already begun to strengthen its diplomatic
relations
with Japan.
Trump says that he’s simply trying a new approach, after years of cold, if not hostile, US-Russia
relations.
Such economic lapses have contributed to the emergence of anti-establishment political movements that are looking to change – or are already changing – long-established cross-border trade relations, including those within the European Union and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
Three significant factors led to the peace accord: the Colombian armed forces’ increased effectiveness, which enabled them to decimate the FARC’s ranks;Santos’s previous diplomatic groundwork, wherein he repaired Colombia’s previously fraught
relations
with neighboring Venezuela, Ecuador, and Bolivia, an axis that had long contributed to sustaining the FARC by providing logistical and political support; and, finally, Cuba’s new policy of rapprochement with the United States, which Santos was wise to exploit in his own efforts to make peace.
This has been officially admitted, so why reopen the ghastly business now, at a time when rescinding the apology would make Japan’s already-strained
relations
with China and South Korea many times worse?
He is upsetting allies in Asia, embarrassing the US, and making bad
relations
with China even worse.
That sets the stage for three broad scenarios, each with implications for the European and global economy, the financial and banking system, and
relations
between the member states and EU institutions.
He doesn’t recognize NATO’s strategic necessity, and he has shown an interest in transatlantic
relations
only when he has alluded to unpaid bills.
For the past century, transatlantic
relations
have adhered to a perverse, unspoken dynamic, whereby the more active the US has been, the more Europe has dozed off.
The EU has, as a result, forfeited ultimate control of its own security, trade relations, and migrant flows.
It should start by streamlining and expanding bilateral and regional relations, not least among and between the Baltic and Scandinavian countries, as well as between Belgium and the Netherlands, and Germany and France.
All of these disparate
relations
must be united under a single European command, with common funding and a shared defense-procurement system.
India, which “normalized” bilateral
relations
a few years ago, is reluctant to alienate Myanmar’s military, with which it has worked closely to counter rebels in India’s northeast who had been using the common border to tactical advantage.
But the main reason for India’s good
relations
with Myanmar’s ruling thugs is the country’s vast and still largely unexploited energy reserves, which India desperately needs to fuel its economic boom.
US
relations
with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia are two examples, and America’s Chevron and France’s Total, two of the world’s oil giants, continue to do a brisk business in Myanmar, thanks to loopholes in the sanctions.
Likewise, China’s
relations
with authoritarian regimes, or even its responsibility for preserving the global environment, are rarely mentioned.
Given the escalating trade war between the United States and China, countries around the world are rushing to consolidate their trade
relations
and preserve existing supply chains.
For the Israelis, cooperation with NATO is a major component of legitimacy in its frequently troubled
relations
with the West; for NATO, cooperation serves its capacity to work in new theaters of operation andrespond to the changing profile of the threats it confronts.
The Istanbul Cooperation Initiative of 2004, triggered by the trauma of the 9/11 attacks, holds far greater potential, for it transforms NATO’s
relations
with friendly states in the Middle East from dialogue to partnership – a level comparable to the Partnership for Peace program used to promote Central and Eastern European countries to full membership.
If social tensions rise, China’s government is likely to respond with greater repression, which will bode ill both for its
relations
with the West and for its medium-term political stability.
The reality is that ASEAN states could choose to become independent players, rather than pawns in the US-China competition, implying that it is in China’s interest to maintain ambiguity in US-ASEAN
relations.
China must know that the material advantages from closer ASEAN-China economic
relations
will not be enough to guarantee smooth diplomatic
relations.
ASEAN and the US are highly skeptical of China’s repeated public promises of a non-hegemonic mode of international relations; but they should not be blind to China’s legitimate security concerns, which it will never neglect.
Economists who become policy advisors are great fans of simplicity, uniformity, and arm's-length
relations
between government and the private sector, not because of economic theory or empirical evidence, but because of unexamined and untested assumptions.
Ever since Mao’s Communists won the civil war (which the last meeting between the parties, in 1945, had been called to try to avert) and Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang forces withdrew to Taiwan,
relations
between the two sides have smoldered without ever really catching fire.
The Kuomintang (also called the Chinese Nationalist Party) wants to improve
relations
without surrendering Taiwan’s independence.
For example, the EU’s foreign ministers should invite their Ukrainian counterpart to give a briefing on Ukraine-Russia
relations
at their next meeting.
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