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Regional in sentence

3925 examples of Regional in a sentence

The US cannot continue to base its policy toward Iran – a huge country with a population of over 80 million, a growing economy, and strong regional influence – on sanctions and vitriol.
A second danger concerns the regional consequences of North Korea’s test.
This dynamism could lead to instability, owing to multiple sources of mistrust and the lack of strong regional institutions to help manage rivalries.
The Union has no business interfering in matters that can be dealt with successfully at the local, regional, or national level.
For example, the Inter-American Development Bank reports that the trade gains from Latin America’s 33 small regional trade agreements have been meager.
Reaching a proper answer to these questions requires extensive economic modeling, with different variables calculated and regional differences analyzed.
The world's largest democracy will soon be in action for the second time in two years in a desperate search to find a stable government, an extraordinarily difficult task now that the founding party of India's independence, Congress, is a pale shadow of its original self and the strengths of local, regional, religious and caste parties, not to say the phenomenal rise of the Hindu nationalist, Bharatiya Janata Party, are now the deciding factors in Indian politics.
Creditors range from rich countries like the United States, France, and Italy, to regional governments and financial institutions, including the Arab Monetary Fund.
In 2014 alone, the Hospital Preparedness Program, which links regional hospitals with local health departments to prepare for potential public health emergencies, suffered $100 million in budget cuts.
And then there’s the fact that Iran, unlike most of its regional adversaries, is a functioning democracy.
Indeed, as regional conflicts have intensified, the country’s central foreign-policy objective of ensuring “zero problems” with its neighbors has become unattainable.
Now, the party asserts, Turkey should work to defend its regional neighbors’ territorial integrity.
Indeed, as a regional power, it has a responsibility to work to ease tensions and promote conflict resolution.
It also has a long-term national interest in increased regional stability, not least because it would help to stem the tide of refugees – already numbering two million – flowing into the country, while opening up more commercial opportunities nearby.
China’s comparative advantages, including a global financial center in Hong Kong and a regional financial center in Shanghai, reinforce its leadership role.
Finding security with others, rather than against them, and concentrating on cooperative approaches to achieving global and regional public goods, seems more productive than giving free rein to crude nationalist sentiment and planning ever more sophisticated and expensive ways to destroy one another.
For example, greater integration with world markets can be achieved via export subsidies (South Korea), export-processing zones (Malaysia), investment incentives for multinational enterprises (Singapore), special economic zones (China), regional free trade agreements (Mexico), or import liberalization (Chile).
At both the national and regional levels, policymakers are paying greater attention to domestic resource mobilization as a means of leveraging the effectiveness of external assistance.
Peaceful resolution of these conflicts requires giving China a role in the decision-making process, which implies that the US and China alike relinquish any desire for regional primacy.
They are questions of justice and responsibility, and stronger regional and international institutions are needed to address them.
Indeed, regional institutions in the Arab world, Africa, Latin America, and East Asia are still in their infancy – and need to grow up fast.
Questions, justified or not, about America's ability to retain its dominant position in Asia's security architecture in the medium to long term – together with the rise of isolationist sentiment within the US – have spurred its regional allies and partners, including stalwart friends like Australia, to hedge their strategic bets.
It strains credulity to argue, as China and North Korea have, that a normalized Japan would threaten regional stability any more than China's massive military buildup and territorial aggression, or North Korea's bellicosity and nuclear weapons, already do.
In fact, it is far more likely that a normalized Japan would enhance regional security by playing an important role in the balance-of-power system that China is steadily advancing with its unilateral behavior.
This has implications for the regional balance of power, because Iraq is growing closer to Iran in order to offset Turkey, which is seen as protecting the Sunnis.
But if the US has been unable to involve Pakistan in resolving the Afghanistan conflict, that failure simply reflects America’s refusal to give the Pakistanis what they wanted: a shift in the regional balance of power at the expense of India.
The US and its regional allies tried to nudge Assad from power in the spring of 2011, thinking that he would fall quickly like Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak and Tunisia’s Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.
This, they believed, would also weaken their regional competitor, Iran, and curtail Shia influence in the Middle East more generally.
Finally, the Gulf States, Turkey, and Iran should be pressed to negotiate face to face on a regional framework that can ensure lasting peace.
America has also been frustrated in its desire to obtain regional support for its policy of direct involvement in the Colombia’s internal strife.
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