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Regional in sentence

3925 examples of Regional in a sentence

In the fall of 2000, Czech voters rebuked both parties during regional and Senate elections, with the Social Democrats losing their joint majority in the Senate.
As a new dawn breaks on Malaysia’s political landscape, the country must seize this opportunity to establish a viable model for multiparty competition, where politicians can lead on national issues rather than pander to religious, ethnic, or regional constituencies.
The current winner-takes-all electoral system tends to favor regional opposition parties that are identity-driven and not prone to political compromise.
By propping up violent jihadists in the Middle East, North Africa, and beyond, while supporting the United States in its fight against them, this gas-rich speck of a country – the world’s wealthiest in per capita terms – has transformed itself from a regional gadfly into an international rogue elephant.
For the sake of regional and international security, this elephant must be tamed.
China’s anxiety about a supposed US containment policy is on the rise again, now that Clinton is insisting that the country’s maritime disputes with its neighbors be placed on the agenda at next year’s East Asia Summit in Manila, which will be attended by Obama, Hu Jintao, and other regional leaders.
Mega cities put demands on regional economies, peacemaking efforts, and economic and human development.
By keeping a door open to North Korea’s leaders, China is making a substantial contribution to regional peace.
On May 15, two small independent energy companies (Turkey’s Genel Enerji and Canada’s Addax Petroleum) became the latest foreign firms to begin drilling in Kurdish-controlled territory under an agreement with the regional government.
Protecting himself and Qatar by hosting the largest American military base outside the United States, his strategy has been to wrest control from regional third parties who might otherwise dominate the smaller Gulf states.
It has been an aggressive and risky foreign policy, but Al Thani clearly believes that he can fill a regional leadership vacuum.
For example, one of the biggest regional unknowns is how America’s retreat from multilateral engagement will affect the IMF’s ability to respond to future capital-market disruptions.
In 2005, the renewed dream of Iranian regional hegemony helped bring to power President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who pursued the nuclear program with vigor.
Iran’s bitterest regional enemy, Saudi Arabia, would move rapidly toward a nuclear capability, using abundant petrodollars and Pakistani knowhow.
Indeed, as leaders of the G-20, the Commonwealth, and the OIF have emphasized in the last two years, national and regional responses, while significant, are insufficient without strong international support.
The United States’ enemies have been strengthened, and Iran – despite being branded as a member of the so-called “axis of evil” – has been catapulted into regional hegemony.
The danger of a major confrontation has been heightened further by a series of factors: persistent high oil prices, which have created new financial and political opportunities for Iran; the defeat of the West and its regional allies in proxy wars in Gaza and Lebanon; and the United Nations Security Council’s failure to induce Iran to accept even a temporary freeze of its nuclear program.
President Xi Jinping’s promise of national greatness – embodied in the catchphrase “China dream” – is tied as much to achieving regional hegemony as to internal progress.
Those who make this claim seem to have in mind a model of a single state, which possesses two relevant features: limited fiscal sovereignty for regional and local governments and a substantial common budget from which regions hit by asymmetric shocks can receive transfers.
But, though they are gone, the issue of regional leadership remains.
Moreover, the role and attitude of a rising China must be assessed on a regional basis, particularly given that the long-standing dispute over islets in the South China Sea may be entering a new phase.
These leaders’ departure from office reflected their countries’ internal politics, and their successors will focus more on declining support at home than on regional ambitions.
But the questions that Hatoyama and Rudd raised – who is in Asia, and who gets to lead regional cooperation – await a satisfying answer.
In Asia, China’s military buildup and increasingly assertive approach in pursuing its territorial claims in the South and East China seas – which overlap with claims by Japan, the Philippines, South Korea, and Vietnam – is raising concerns among its regional neighbors.
These changes hit the poorest the hardest, and global trends mask deep regional disparities.
Similarly, India has a gender ratio at birth of around 110 boys for every 100 girls, with large regional variations.
Indeed, the US may be the most significant contributor to today’s regional turmoil.
The success of the first Gulf War, launched in January 1991 by President George H.W. Bush, was fatally undermined 12 years later by his son, President George W. Bush, whose own Gulf War caused a regional catastrophe that continues to this day.
After the Islamic State’s demise, the next chapter in the history of the Middle East will be determined by open, direct confrontation between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shia Iran for regional predominance.
Humala comes to power in a regional environment of moderation and growing economic integration, which he would disturb at his peril.
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