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Regional in sentence

3925 examples of Regional in a sentence

Though none of the performances are really much good, some have a regional theater style fascination.
Perhaps in exchange we could provide British audiences with subtitles for regional accents in the U.S.
"The Empire in Africa" is a courageous examination of a tragic and complex topic, the civil war in Sierra Leone, its propaganda-driven portrayal in the international media, the global commercial interests at stake, the regional and international contribution to the continued violence and the effects on the civilian population of war and poverty in a country that is extremely wealthy in natural resources.
It cost less to make and test market than the production of the average regional TV spot today.
At best, too regional for the rest of the world to understand.
One rarely is hitchhiking and gets picked up by a van full of really famous regional and perhaps international musicians.
Sasquatch spent most of the 90s toiling away in such horrendously lame'n'tame children's movie bilge as "Little Bigfoot," "Bigfoot: The Unforgettable Encounter," and "Big and Hairy," which makes this regional redneck horror/action hybrid a definite anomaly, but still nothing to get all excited about.
The actors are extremely amature with regional accents but are using realistic dialog(realistic for a bunch of kids camping at the lake).
This is so even though Russia has vital national interests to protect in Iraq, including real fears about regional instability spreading into Russia's south, with its millions of Muslim citizens.
Afghanistan, indeed, must be integrated into the regional pipeline and other development schemes.
If the latter are ignored, regional interests can incite chaos once again.
We will seek to improve the practical application of the Art Restitution Law of 1998 and encourage similar restitution steps among local and regional governmental bodies.
Saudi Arabia invokes US military power to contain its regional rival, Iran.
Even a basic test like a CAT scan would require transport to another regional hospital.
A precondition for any effective change is a shift in policy orientation from the national to the regional level.
For this to be made concrete, new instruments are needed, such as a Regional Stabilization Fund, a Water and Energy Community, regional social cohesion, and a regional industrial policy.
Without a regional focus, WANA countries risk sleepwalking into conflict and more pronounced economic decline.
When the Fed was established a century ago, monetary authority was distributed across 12 regional reserve banks, each of which had considerable autonomy.
The fact that the heads of each of the regional Fed banks were called “governor” – the same title given to heads of the long-established European central banks – was indicative of their authority.
The heads of the regional banks were “downgraded” from governors to “presidents” – the first and only time in US history when the transition from governor to president was a demotion – and power was centralized in the Board of Governors based in Washington, DC.
Nonetheless, an important legacy of the earlier system has remained: each of the regional banks maintains its own research department, and brings a different approach to the monetary-policy debate.
Years ago, an employee at one of the regional Fed banks – who was also my graduate-school classmate – contrasted the responses to his research presentations in the United States and Canada.
The report is therefore right to challenge Bush’s insistence on discarding both Iran and Syria as interlocutors for a more stable regional order.
There is simply no way that Iraq can be stabilized without America moving from a policy of disengagement to one of engagement with these two major regional spoilers.
But it is not only Iraq that requires regional support groups to reach a modicum of stability.
In order to ensure that the US is too harassed to be able to threaten it, Iran has consistently obstructed Bush’s mission of regional transformation.
Yet, heedless of the dangers, powerful export interests and regional governments continue to fight for these policies.
India’s national elections are really an aggregate of thirty different state elections, each influenced by its own local considerations, regional political currents, and different patterns of political incumbency.
But there is a third possibility: a motley collection of regional parties, together with the Communists, gets enough seats to prevent either of the two big parties from forming a government.
Should the regional parties dominate the government, domestic politics would strongly impact India’s foreign policy: the anger of Tamil voters over events in Sri Lanka, or of Muslims over Gaza, would be reflected in the government and therefore constrain policy options.
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