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Regional in sentence

3925 examples of Regional in a sentence

The Middle East urgently needs support in creating a regional stability charter to encompass codes of conduct, goals for regional cooperation, and the mechanisms of a regional cohesion fund to tackle underdevelopment and fund new infrastructure.
A regional agenda must be created to help identify priorities, based on a three-pronged strategy that includes energy and water policy, arms control, and debt reduction.
Moreover, if South Korea and Japan develop nuclear weapons, a regional – or even global – arms race could result; and not every country seeking to develop its own nuclear arsenal would be favorably disposed to the West.
The US, South Korea, and Japan should cooperate on missile defense as the first line of regional deterrence, while also fortifying and dispersing vulnerable targets, deepening trilateral intelligence sharing on North Korean threats, and working with the international community to disrupt the North’s weapons programs.
China’s enthusiasm for RMB internationalization since 2009 partly reflects its frustration with the lack of progress in reforming the international financial architecture, and with the state of regional financial cooperation.
Moreover, there has been an alarming increase in regional tensions.
The military question – believed to have been resolved after the region’s transition to democracy which came with the Cold War’s end, the effort to achieve regional integration, and the push toward globalization – has reappeared.
Indeed, it is now clear that one of the main regional challenges is to preserve civilian control of the military, which will require that Latin American elites avoid the temptation to strengthen disproportionately the armed forces’ place in their countries’ domestic and international politics.
First, national and regional governments and non-governmental players need to find ways to cut jihadist groups’ financial lifelines.
But it also triggered civil war and regional turmoil (including ongoing Shia protests in Bahrain).
The upheaval in these two neighboring countries has reshaped regional geopolitics.
Australia's Prime Minister Paul Keating recently spoke for many demonstrators and regional governments when he stated that the French nuclear test series at Mururoa Atoll "causes anger throughout the world not only because of concern for the Pacific environment but because it puts at risk our hopes for a post-Cold War world that does not have the nuclear shadow hanging over it".
The painstaking effort since the end of WWII to build effective regional and global governance institutions has reduced considerably the risk of catastrophes like the world wars or the Great Depression.
Similarly, a full-scale political or economic collapse in Venezuela would have serious regional implications, and might result in an even deeper humanitarian crisis there.
After all, North Korea’s sudden collapse or a military conflict on the peninsula would undermine regional security, while burdening neighboring countries with millions of refugees and hundreds of billions of dollars in reconstruction costs.
This led to the formation of new political parties, and the creation of regional councils in 1997 made it possible for leaders with strong local roots – like Morales – to reach Bolivia’s congress without any major party’s backing.
Given the risks confronting Europe, not to mention Trump’s isolationist tendencies, the Franco-German relationship will assume greater regional and global importance.
The rise of many regional powers is not a threat to the US, but an opportunity for a new era of prosperity and constructive problem solving.
Such efforts to safeguard regional stability will ultimately benefit Europe, for which Asia has become an increasingly important trading partner.
Indeed, if conflicts in Asia become more virulent, Europe cannot expect the US to shoulder the burden of maintaining regional stability alone.
Mounting regional disparities, as well as the widening urban-rural divide, impede household consumption growth, increasing the economy’s dependence on exports and foreign investment.
By 2016, the Fund accounted for only one-third of those resources, with regional financial arrangements and bilateral swap agreements accounting for the rest.
But regional arrangements are not found everywhere, while only a limited number of central banks have access to swap agreements.
But that is no argument for failing to try again – especially in view of the mounting evidence that liquidity crunches can easily morph into solvency problems that quickly spill over national and regional boundaries.
And pre-qualification for IMF support would also imply access to the relevant regional financial arrangement, if any, thus helping integrate the overall system.
Through regional legislatures or influence on mainstream parties, the trend extends into Germany and Belgium.
East Asia’s regional powers operate almost without any multilateral framework, a state of affairs comparable to that of Europe toward the end of the nineteenth century.
Only the United States’s military and political presence ensures regional stability.
Consider, for example, that the countries that receive the most funds relative to their GDP have the lowest regional disparities in employment rates.
In Poland, Greece, and Portugal – where the regional disparities averaged roughly four percentage points in 2009, compared to the EU average of 11.8 – a higher degree of thematic concentration would deliver the strongest results.
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