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Regional in sentence

3925 examples of Regional in a sentence

True, many African countries currently suffer from instability, state failure, regional strife, violent internal political competition, and other assorted ills, including, massacres and large-scale brutality, civil war, massive movements of refugees, economic disruption, and environmental damage.
Europe’s policy toward Africa may suffer shortcomings, but at least there is a policy, which is based on supporting African states and regional organizations like the African Union whenever practicable, necessary and, above all, requested.
Here, Africa must draw on the opportunities presented by participation in global and regional value chains.
They must then institutionalize these new policies in national and regional development strategies.
Other recommendations relate to trade and regional integration, leveraging domestic and external finance, and promoting what it calls the “New Industrial Revolution.”
The Ambiguous “China Threat”SINGAPORE – For more than a decade, China’s geopolitical ambitions, backed by the People’s Liberation Army’s ongoing modernization, have fueled a debate about whether regional security dilemmas and competition – particularly with the United States – will escalate.
On the one hand, China’s economic-growth trajectory has strengthened regional cooperation through increased trade, better economic incentives, and closer commercial ties.
While it is difficult to determine China’s long-term strategic intentions, it is clear that the country’s efforts over the last decade to acquire advanced weapons systems, platforms, and technologies are gradually shifting regional security paradigms and challenging US strategic primacy.
This includes “active defense” operations, which aim to deter, delay, or prevent encroachment by other countries, specifically the US, into certain areas – such as Taiwan, the Korean peninsula, and the South China Sea – in the event of regional conflict.
The farm policy puzzle will be followed by a similar predicament over EU regional and social policies.
Candidate countries, however, are poorer still, so the full application of these regional policies would call for large extra budgetary transfers to Central and Eastern Europe.
But the terrorists who struck with such deadliness understand the global, not just regional, nature of the struggle for Turkey's soul.
Given that East Asia, unlike Europe after 1945, never experienced full reconciliation among rivals, or established strong regional institutions, it has been forced to depend on the US-Japan Security Treaty to underpin regional stability.
The most immediate regional threat is North Korea, whose unpredictable dictatorship has invested its meager economic resources in nuclear and missile technology.
If the Chinese Communist Party feels threatened by a public frustrated with insufficient political participation and enduring social repression, it could slip into competitive nationalism, upending the already-delicate regional status quo.
American and Japanese leaders must shape the regional environment in such a way that China has incentives to act responsibly, including by maintaining strong defense capabilities.
For Japan, becoming an equal partner in its alliance with the US is essential to securing its regional and global standing.
European integration cannot become all-consuming; a parochial Europe is vulnerable to unsettled regional conflicts and to globalization’s challenges.
Similarly, America’s great suspicion concerning Iran’s role in this regional crisis should not be used to try to limit its participation at the conference.
The main actors fall into three categories: open revisionists, like Russia and the Islamic State; those ready to fight to protect a minimum of order, such as the United States, France, and Great Britain; and ambivalent states – including key regional players in the Middle East, such as Turkey and Iran – whose actions fail to match their rhetoric.
A multicultural coalition is probably a requirement of legitimate military action in the Middle East; the dilemma is that unless Obama’s regional coalition broadens considerably, his current allies’ enthusiasm for US military intervention is likely to diminish quickly.
Moreover, regional tensions heightened the perception of the NAM summit’s importance and that of its host.
The moves underway are gradual, ranging from regional security to sports, but could result in full rapprochement.
Regional leaders must now develop their own strategy to transform Asia’s many challenges into opportunities, with Obama playing the role of “good neighbor” who expects other peoples to help themselves and put their own houses in order before turning to the US for assistance.
In the case of Syria, America’s regional allies also told President Barack Obama’s administration to move on Assad.
Saudi Arabia wanted Assad gone to weaken a client state of Iran, the kingdom’s main rival for regional primacy.
By becoming a nuclear power, such regimes can ensure their own survival, promote their local or regional geopolitical interests, and even pursue an expansionist agenda.
Attempts to develop or acquire WMDs might well trigger a regional arms race, leading to further instability and threatening international peace and security.
The world’s 190-plus states now co-exist with a larger number of powerful non-sovereign and at least partly (and often largely) independent actors, ranging from corporations to non-government organizations (NGO’s), from terrorist groups to drug cartels, from regional and global institutions to banks and private equity funds.
As a result, new mechanisms are needed for regional and global governance that include actors other than states.
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