Region
in sentence
5209 examples of Region in a sentence
Could the US ignore a country that in roughly ten years will become the world’s second-largest oil exporter, generating more than $200 billion annually in revenue, while increasingly being dominated by an authoritarian Shia regime that is close to Iran?Would it withdraw in the face of the consequent strategic threat to its three allies – Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Israel – in the
region?
In the end, America’s position in the
region
strengthened after Egypt became a US ally and made peace with Israel.
Nevertheless, while an American withdrawal from the Middle East seems highly unlikely, US exposure to the
region
will indeed decline; as that happens, America’s role there will probably become more subdued – and perhaps more cynical.
Such deals would ease concern in competitive global industries that strict emission rules in one
region
would put companies at a disadvantage relative to rivals in countries with less strict policies.
The first – declining economic growth, to less than 1%, on average, across the
region
– has been discussed at length, with the prevailing explanation being that China’s slowing economic growth has suppressed commodity prices and, thus, Latin America’s export revenues.
Policies that ignore human rights and democracy will not benefit the US or the
region.
Indeed, while the video is deplorable, its release – which occurred months ago – cannot account for anger against Western missions across the
region.
The attacks were largely conducted by a small set of young men who are receptive to the kind of radical, simplistic ideologies that have gained traction in the region, owing to dire political and socioeconomic circumstances.
In fact, the entire
region
is unstable.
From Turkey’s perspective, a confederation of Syria’s northeastern
region
with the KRG might be favorable to continuing domestic Kurdish unrest, much less rule by the anti-Turkish Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) along its border with Syria.
Moreover, Kurdish independence could encourage demands for autonomy in the Sunni-majority provinces bordering Syria, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia – a third
region
where Syria’s civil war is blurring international borders.
The US, these hardliners believe, is interested only in regime change, and to fight Islam in the
region.
The defeat of BJP governments in the Hindi states of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Chhattisgarh is all the more significant because the
region
is a bastion of support for the party.
This struggle, as the fighting in Yemen has shown, has the potential to destabilize the entire
region.
France is more serious than ever about fighting ISIS, while Germany and other Europeans feel obliged to assist it – and to stem the flow of refugees emanating from the
region.
And, while the tectonic shift in the
region
was triggered by the “Arab Awakening,” its players are not limited to the Arab world or to the confines of the Middle East conflict.
If Turkey prevails, Iran and the radicals in the
region
will be caught on the losing side of history – and they know it.
A viable Israeli answer to the dramatic changes in the
region
– and to their already foreseeable consequences – can only take the form of a serious offer of negotiations to Mahmoud Abbas’s Palestinian government, with the objective of signing a comprehensive peace treaty.
For example, in view of the looming fall of Syria’s President Bashar al-Assad, the pressure of the Egyptian revolution, and the new role of Islamism in the region, Hamas’s alliance with Iran is becoming increasingly problematic.
Latin America's Resilient Housing MarketNew York – As the consequences of the sub-prime mortgage meltdown in the United States spread through global markets, will one of the most positive trends in Latin America – the expansion of local credit markets, which has dramatically expanded access to homeownership throughout the
region
–be jeopardized?
Ironically, then, the expanded access to mortgage lending that creates new homeowners in Latin America may end up protecting the
region
from the disaster that too-loose credit created in the US.
In the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide and the subsequent refugee crisis and war in the Great Lakes
region
of Central Africa in the 1990’s, a combination of guilt, economic prosperity, and America’s unique international status led to interventions in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and, unfortunately, Iraq.
With America approaching energy self-sufficiency, a US strategic disengagement from the
region
may become a reality.
Although many believe that the US-Israel alliance is the foundation of America’s Middle East policy, it was dependence on imported oil that motivated the US to establish a dominant military presence in the
region
after 1945.
But the rationale for America’s commitment of military force to the
region
is changing fast; when that happens – as it has in Europe, for example, since the Cold War’s end – the distribution of military assets tends to change as well.
And, second, would any diminution of America’s commitment to the
region
incite the kind of instability that breeds failed states and terrorist havens?
Preventing rivals from gaining overweening influence in the region, however, will require a very different type of response – one that will require the backing of old allies, such as Japan, and new friends, like India.
But ten years ago, so did the possibility of an American disengagement from the
region.
Frightened governments in the
region
realized that the type of violence occurring almost daily in Iraq was starting to spill across the country’s borders.
But what is really needed is effective cooperation where it counts the most: containing the increasing instability in the Greater Middle East, ensuring that Afghanistan does not turn into yet another regional cancer, and preventing a chain reaction of nuclear proliferation in the
region.
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