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Regimes in sentence

1100 examples of Regimes in a sentence

For many around the world who suffer under oppressive regimes, such a credo would sound like a prescription for sainthood – or for impotence.
Especially in a world where many of the big things – trade, technology, legal regimes – are globalized, most of the small things are actually happening in cities.
In the early decades of the communications revolution, totalitarian regimes sought to impose fictitious realities on their peoples by force.
Some non-democratic regimes may take advantage of anti-terrorism policies to prey on their own people.
At the same time, the liberalization of FDI regimes by virtually all countries has been a driving force of intra-firm trade – the lifeblood of the emerging system of integrated international production and already around one-third of world trade.
Nothing exemplifies this more than changes in national FDI regimes.
The US continues to subsidize authoritarian Arab regimes, such as Egypt (which receives at least $2 billion a year), because it buys peace with Israel and maintains US geopolitical influence in the Arab-Israeli conflict.
For its part, the international community, which so often has propped up authoritarian regimes in the name of stability (or on the principle that “the enemy of my enemy is my friend”) has a clear responsibility to provide whatever assistance Tunisia needs in the coming months and years.
With Saddam’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990, however, the US turned on him, and has been entwined in Iraq’s politics ever since, including two wars, sanction regimes, the toppling of Saddam in 2003, and repeated attempts, as recently as this month, to install a government that it considered acceptable.
Likewise, while unilateralists complain that the US is constrained by international regimes, so are others.
Within the developing economies, more than four fifths of those that had closed trading regimes in the 1970s experienced serious economic crises a decade later.
Another possibility would be to transfer responsibility for humanitarian aid in conflict zones to an NGO that is not under the same pressure to respect the sovereignty of internationally recognized regimes.
Likewise, Japan and India have long regarded Thailand as a democratic bulwark in a neighborhood where some regimes – Cambodia and Laos – are firmly under China’s hegemonic sway.
Although most do not support Pakistan’s Pervez Musharraf, Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak, or the al-Saud family, they see hypocrisy in Western criticism of these leaders that is designed to manipulate and marginalize – after all, the West does not really want to push these regimes too far.
Oil-dependent regimes that fail to meet these criteria are in trouble.
And May’s government has proposed no plausible alternative solution for managing the relationship between two different customs regimes without a border.
In Eastern Europe in the 1940s, Stalinist regimes consolidated power despite losing elections.
In the 1990’s, when communist regimes collapsed in Central and Eastern Europe, and dictators fell in Latin America, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Southeast Asia, the Arab world stood out for its lack of popular, anti-authoritarian movements and developments.
The regimes that were brought down, or challenged, were military dictatorships cloaked in republican garb.
The reasons seem obvious: the military regimes lacked legitimacy and were ultimately based on force and intimidation, while the monarchical dynasties seem to be anchored in history, tradition, and religion.
Where there were traditions of civil society, pluralism, tolerance, independent civic institutions, and the ability to develop a coherent multi-party system – for example, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia – transitions to democracy succeeded; where these traditions did not exist, as in Russia and Ukraine, neo-authoritarian regimes took over.
It is this state system, not merely regimes, that is unraveling.
But, while the drive for democratic change has been local and authentic, there is no guarantee of a successful political transition: democratically elected governments will have to address the same social and economic problems that contributed to the old regimes’ fall – not least the need to create jobs and opportunities for the young.
But, while this “burden” might, in fact, benefit aging European countries, the risk is relatively low in the first place: Arab countries entering such a pact would be better governed than they were under the previous regimes.
It would reverse the pattern whereby Europe relies on repressive regimes to supply it with oil and gas and guard its borders against migrants.
They replicate the practices of the elitist regimes they replaced, clamping down on the press and civil liberties and emasculating (or capturing) the judiciary.
Indeed, China stood with Russia, Belarus, and a few other despotic regimes in prematurely recognizing the thuggish, ballot-stuffing Viktor Yanukovych as President of Ukraine.
Both Iran and Saudi Arabia are currently undergoing important political and economic transitions that could leave their regimes vulnerable.
To this end IMF surveillance should include regular updates on supervisory regimes in systemically important countries.
Since these groups were thrown on the defensive for a while after the old regimes were toppled, initially they did not have the political power to oppose rapid and irreversible changes.
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