Reforms
in sentence
4494 examples of Reforms in a sentence
Appropriate political
reforms
must come first; when they do, Egypt’s economic and financial revival will surprise many with its buoyancy and speed.
Moreover, the Chinese authorities have launched a raft of
reforms
aimed at opening the economy and making it more market-oriented, and have announced plans to liberalize interest and exchange rates and continue to ease restrictions on cross-border capital flows.
But it will not contest the dollar’s supremacy unless China’s leaders align the country’s political and legal institutions with its economic
reforms.
Politics, not technology, will determine the pace of change, and implementing the necessary
reforms
will be hard, slow work, particularly in democracies.
Educational
reforms
will likely require a generation or more to bear fruit.
Structural
reforms
that increase labor-market flexibility and reduce red tape and related obstacles to new business formation must also be implemented.
The EU will need the strongest leadership team that it can find to steer through treacherous waters and implement crucial financial
reforms.
Since Iran is the enemy (remember George W. Bush’s “axis of evil”?), it is better to deal with a president who talks and acts like a crazy thug, than with a reasonable-sounding figure who promises
reforms.
Khatami, too, had good ideas about press freedom, individual rights, and democratic
reforms.
The so-called “Miracle on the Han River” took root with the
reforms
initiated by Park’s late father Park Chung-hee, the country’s ruler for much of the 1960’s and 1970’s.
Major
reforms
are necessary to help middle-income families escape crushing monthly payments for housing and education.
At the start of reforms, natural resources were nominally owned by the state, and therefore by no one in particular.
This constituency could grow dramatically if democrats and economic reformers focused renewed energy on the need for honesty and fairness in government; on an enhanced social safety net financed by higher taxation of natural resource enterprises; and on further market
reforms
aimed at separating the economy from the grasping hands of politicians and bureaucrats.
Such actions remain the best hope for consolidating Russia's democratic and market
reforms.
Its economy – despite decades of pro-market
reforms
– continues to be defined by heavy state intervention.
Of course, this process is not irreversible: Effective political leadership and successful domestic
reforms
in the US and Japan, together with China’s failure to manage political pressure from below, could yet halt this seemingly inexorable power shift.
Given this, China’s top leaders promised that they would continue implementing structural
reforms
and advancing economic liberalization.
In particular, expansionary monetary and fiscal policies – which are helpful in the short term – must be accompanied by fundamental structural
reforms.
Indeed, these governments promote constitutional
reforms
that seek to authorize perpetual re-election and supposedly new forms of participation that, in fact, hollow out representative democracy from within.
Indeed, most of the health gains over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were brought about by far-reaching economic, political, and social
reforms.
Countries’ degree of labor-market flexibility varies considerably, and the
reforms
that increase it are critically important.
For example, the German
reforms
of 2003-2006 increased flexibility significantly (though in a more benign global and eurozone setting).
The private sector, by contrast, is picking up steam, with recent administrative
reforms
having contributed to a 54% rise in business registrations since March 2014.
That is why the real test of China’s administrative
reforms
is whether, through improved bankruptcy mechanisms and regulations that block fraud and market manipulation, they allow – and even facilitate – the effective functioning of market forces.
Most
reforms
that would guard against macroeconomic risk would also limit the ability of finance to persuade people to commit to long-term risky investments, and hence further lower the supply of finance willing to assume such undertakings.
So, if serious
reforms
are to be implemented, strong and persistent public pressure will be needed.
In addition, depending on their relationship with their own investors, some institutional investors (for example, mutual fund managers) may capture only a limited fraction of the increase in value of their portfolios as a result of governance
reforms.
And even those institutional investors that are not affiliated with publicly traded companies may have an interest in getting business from such companies, making these institutional investors reluctant to push for
reforms
that corporate insiders oppose.
Indeed, most major governance
reforms
occur in such circumstances.
By creating a large public demand for reforms, the current crisis offers another opportunity to improve governance arrangements.
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