Reform
in sentence
4628 examples of Reform in a sentence
Yet, welfare state
reform
is not a priority of right-wing populists.
We welcome the emerging economies’ call for
reform
of global institutions.
Stephen Roach has suggested that in the post-crisis global economy “relapse is the rule”; economist Brad DeLong, speaking of the “consequences of our lesser depression,” argues that the pretense of a eurozone recovery has collapsed; and European Central Bank President Mario Draghi has acknowledged the need not only for structural reform, but also fiscal expansion to boost aggregate demand.
One structural
reform
that could drive global growth is substantial infrastructure investment in developing and developed countries alike.
For example, British Prime Minister David Cameron’s call to launch a comprehensive
reform
agenda has not been well received, mostly owing to the perception of Cameron as a Euroskeptic troublemaker.
The paramount task is to concentrate on a broad, and long-overdue,
reform
agenda that includes solutions that are both simple to achieve and do not require changes to the European treaties.
The same goes for the economic
reform
agenda.
Europe’s agenda for the next five years must aim high, particularly on
reform
and delivery.
Rather than reflexively bashing Cameron for his calls to
reform
so that the UK does not leave the Union, EU leaders need to win Britons’ hearts and minds.
Advising those governments on how to do their jobs became a new vocation for these institutions, which quickly developed new “technical” approaches to governance
reform.
As a result, the World Bank badly overestimated the impact of governance
reform
on economic growth.
But the focus on governance
reform
has not proved nearly as effective as promised in fostering development.
The conclusion is clear: the development agenda should not be overloaded with governance
reform.
Indeed, advocates of governance
reform
have rarely been right about the most effective approach.
It takes years to
reform
institutions.
Adopting the ways of potential newcomers to those of the EU takes time; negotiating terms of entry can be fiendishly complex; and the EU itself must
reform
its institutions for a future Union with perhaps 30 members.
The shock of ethnic wars contributed to the idea of using enlargement as a carrot to entice stragglers toward
reform.
This new flexibility provides an incentive to
reform
as fast as possible, and the Commission explicitly contemplates a competition of sorts: some countries may be able to catch and leapfrog the early leaders, who may be delayed if they slacken their efforts.
Although early admissions are not assured, such a date puts pressure on today’s members to complete the internal
reform
of EU institutions.
Indeed, the failed Greek “fiscal consolidation and
reform
program,” and the way the EU’s leaders have clung to it despite five years of evidence that the program cannot possibly succeed, is symptomatic of a broader European governance failure, one with deep historical roots.
How to curtail derivatives is now by far the most important topic in banking reform, and the search for solutions should be guided by the recognition that economics is not a natural science.
There is a real danger that opponents of Burma’s transition could exploit these tensions, fueling ethnic conflict in order to derail
reform
efforts.
If the government does not make genuine progress soon, the international community’s enthusiastic support for the country’s
reform
efforts will likely dissipate, compromising future efforts at negotiations and jeopardizing Burma’s democratic prospects.
In the United States, President Barack Obama, concerned about his party’s ability to retain control of the Senate, has decided to put off immigration
reform
until after the election in November.
And once in office, he pushed through an EU-level
reform
to limit the duration of posted workers, many of whom are in France, and most of whom come from Poland.
Reform
that targets social spending at true need is long overdue.
But the “temple of democracy,” as Indians have long hailed their parliament, has been soiled by its own priests, and is now in desperate need of
reform.
Because the real progress of economic
reform
was compromised by mass corruption, it is no surprise that public support for it is tenuous.
Although transition was bound to be painful, Russia's epidemic of corruption caused more political damage than the economic side effects of
reform.
The government, and thus economic reform, will pay for this neglect at the polls.
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