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Reform in sentence

4628 examples of Reform in a sentence

The Social Democrats returned to power in 1994, but they accepted Bildt’s new fiscal policies, and even carried out a revolutionary pension reform in 1998 that properly tied benefits to payments.
Without severe crisis, no significant reform was likely.
Reform does not require a state of emergency, as is often argued.
No major reform has been undertaken through consensus, though successful reforms usually generate a broad consensus a few years later.
Finally, fundamental reform of the social-welfare state requires leaders who embrace free-market ideas.
The single most important institutional reform underlying price stability throughout the world has been the stronger independence of central banks.
Slow job creation and income growth may continue to fuel the populist backlash against austerity and reform.
And austerity and reform fatigue in the eurozone periphery has been matched by bailout fatigue in the core, boosting support for a range of anti-euro parties in Germany, the Netherlands, and Finland.
But, judging from recent proposals in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the European Union to reform the financial system, it is far from clear that the second lesson has been learned.
It would have been better for both recovery and reform to promise to introduce such limitations in (say) two years time.
Most disappointing to reformers has been the official rejection of the “Glass-Steagall” approach to banking reform.
Instead, the reform proposals have opted for a mixture of higher capital requirements for leading banks and pre-funding of deposit insurance by a special levy on banks.
What is surprising in the face of this brain drain is the power of the lobby of university professors in Europe to block reform.
Another solution would be to reform the tax code to reduce returns when an individual or firm is cashing in on publicly funded research.
The opportunity for Russia and the West is to generate the political will needed to address issues – above all, reform of an outmoded system of international relations – that have been ignored for too long.
Reforming the Arab Security StateWASHINGTON, DC – Experience across the Arab world demonstrates that when it comes to security-sector reform, technocratic approaches are inadequate.
For effective security-sector reform in the Arab world to occur, the shroud of secrecy surrounding the sector must be removed.
The problem, as Egyptian researcher Dina El-Khawaga has argued, is that it may be impossible “to introduce reform on a structurally corrupt basis.”
The move toward more pluralist politics in Arab states has unleashed deep social divides over the nature and purpose of policing – divides that invariably complicate the reform process.
The specific dynamics of security-sector reform varies among states, depending on past modes of policing and the circumstances in which the authorities are challenged and forced to change existing structures.
As a result, governments can claim a powerful legitimacy in embarking on reform efforts.
Despite support for the state as the ultimate arbiter of law, increasing social polarization in many Arab states over the last two decades has impeded consensus on how to restructure and reform policing.
Furthermore, the determination to crush dissent affects the urban middle classes, which might otherwise be the strongest proponents of security-sector reform in this area.
Severe political and constitutional breakdown, as well as extensive social and institutional fragmentation, also hampers – or, in cases like Libya or Yemen, blocks – reform.
The bottom line is that security-sector reform cannot be undertaken in isolation from the wider process of democratic transition and national reconciliation.
The added focus on counter-terrorism is further impeding reform, though the failure of unreformed security sectors to fulfill this role effectively, such as in Egypt and Tunisia, should cause it to have the opposite effect.
Those who advocate both democracy and security-sector reform must show consistent unity of purpose, build societal consensus and political coalitions for their programs, and formulate coherent, sustainable policies.
But if China’s national imperative today is reform, the greatest threat to that goal is the massive influence and institutionalized corruption of the country’s entrenched elites.
But given that the people who have benefited so much from the current system are unlikely to clean it up, the only other way to generate reform would be to empower the people getting the short end of the stick – people like Chen and those he has helped.
If China is serious about reform, it will need armies of people like these, fighting for their rights, in order to balance the overwhelming political power of its entrenched elites.
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