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Reducing in sentence

2245 examples of Reducing in a sentence

And we should explore whether a system of global rules aimed at reducing the volatility of capital flows would be useful.
There is good reason for optimism about progress on reducing inequity.
Reducing the top US federal rate, currently at 35%, to a more competitive level – the OECD average is around 25% – would encourage investment and job creation in the US by both domestic and foreign MNCs.
In addition to reducing its corporate tax rate, the US needs to reform the way it taxes its MNCs’ foreign earnings.
Specifically, world leaders must reassess prevailing food-production processes, which often put considerable stress on natural resources by exhausting freshwater supplies, encroaching on forests, degrading soils, depleting wild fish stocks, and reducing biodiversity.
The economic gains of reducing micronutrient deficiencies are estimated to have a cost/benefit ratio of almost 1:13.
This allowed the government to cap the system’s liabilities while reducing expected final-salary replacement rates by about one-half.
For now, the economics is clear: reducing government spending is a risk not worth taking.
Ireland was on its own, so it had no option but to implement massive austerity measures, reducing its product prices relative to other eurozone countries by 13% from peak to trough.
The ECB’s stated goal is to reflate the eurozone, thereby reducing the euro’s external value, by purchasing more than €1.1 trillion worth of assets.
The basic point is that employment can be increased, and unemployment decreased, by removing barriers to job creation and reducing marginal tax rates.
For example, in a study that looked at 40 villages over 16 years, the economist Yao Yang found that the introduction of elections had led to increased spending on public services by 20%, while reducing spending on “administrative costs” – bureaucratese for corruption – by 18%.
Neglecting the problem of entry into the labor market could backfire by increasing pressure for more public expenditure just when governments should start reducing the huge public debts accumulated during the recession.
They are misleading and dangerous, not only because the crisis in the labor market is not yet over, but also because they contribute to complacency, thereby reducing pressure for reform.
First, we will still have to find better ways of managing the world’s economy, reducing its inequities, and coping with its environmental hazards.
The trade-imbalance levy is intended to motivate surplus countries’ governments to boost domestic spending and investment while systematically reducing deficit countries’ international spending power.
In the real world, accidents occur, so more proliferation means a greater chance of eventual inadvertent use, weaker capacity in managing nuclear crises, and greater difficulty in establishing controls and reducing the role of nuclear weapons in world politics.
The massive substitution of reserves for longer-term securities during the period of “quantitative easing,” and of Treasury bills for long-term securities in Operation Twist, has succeeded in reducing long-term interest rates.
However, cutting farm subsidies will increase food prices, at least initially, while reducing agricultural tariffs alone will not necessarily lead to an increase in food production in poor countries without complementary support.
For the governments of low-income countries, this is an opportunity, because it shows what they could achieve in terms of improving health equity and reducing poverty by targeting higher vaccination rates in poorer and more marginalized communities.
While reducing this gap to 3% of GDP has led to higher prices, this is exactly what Japan needs after years of persistent deflation.
The new bank should maximize its multiplier effects by sharing and reducing risk through collective action and “crowding in” other financing; by setting a powerful example in adopting innovative and cost-effective approaches; and through its policy and institutional impact beyond projects that it finances.
Unfortunately, Obama shows no real interest in reducing deficits.
The centerpiece of his domestic agenda is a health-care plan that will cost more than a trillion dollars over the next decade, and that he proposes to finance by reducing waste in the existing government health programs (Medicare and Medicaid) without reducing the quantity and quality of services.
But that initiative has not succeeded in reducing the “problem” countries’ longer-term borrowing costs to levels compatible with their projected growth rates: there is just too much long-term uncertainty, and growth prospects are simply too discouraging.
Somewhat higher inflation in the surplus countries and larger cross-border resource transfers would give the deficit countries more time, allowing for structural reforms to produce results and reducing the need for deflation.
This can provide considerable stability--indeed, the second half of the 20th century saw only four German firms succumb to hostile takeovers--but at the cost of reducing access to finance and curtailing future opportunities.
Indeed, one benefit of the European Commission's rule that some decisions must be unanimous is that its impedes the exercise of monopoly power, thus reducing the risk that centralized authority will be used against markets.
Such a mini-bargain would go a long way toward reducing the risk of a serious US recession.
Indeed, reducing the current high debt levels in the euro area will require substantial consolidation.
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