Redistributive
in sentence
104 examples of Redistributive in a sentence
But globalization also has
redistributive
effects.
But we also have to be very aware that there are
redistributive
consequences, that importantly, low-skilled immigration can lead to a reduction in wages for the most impoverished in our societies and also put pressure on house prices.
In normal times, fiscal policy would support monetary policy, including by playing a
redistributive
role.
To avoid such an outcome, the EU must transform itself from a
redistributive
union ruled by the majority to an optimal and voluntary union ruled by unanimity – one that conforms to the Pareto principle.
However, the absence of
redistributive
mechanisms across countries within the eurozone clearly exacerbated the tensions during the recent crisis.
Piketty argues that this bifurcation of the elite has insulated the political system from
redistributive
demands.
Proportional representation is widely viewed as one factor that promotes the implementation of
redistributive
policies by providing a political voice to minorities.
Many
redistributive
programs in the US are run by the 50 states.
States that are more racially heterogeneous have smaller
redistributive
programs, even controlling for their level of income.
Having taxpayers cover the costs of university education is indeed redistributive, but in the wrong direction--the beneficiaries are most often the children of comfortable European families.
Liberals and social democrats supported a private-ownership economy, markets, European integration, and increased trade, tempered by substantially
redistributive
taxes and transfers, a strong social safety net, and some public ownership in areas such as infrastructure and finance.
The State should not abandon its
redistributive
role; neither can the State surrender to the market its role in development.
The first task is structural and redistributive: it concerns the size of the budget and its detailed structure on both the spending and revenue sides.
The two-party moderation thesis makes sense only if the main differences concern
redistributive
preferences in a simple model driven by an almost Marxist kind of economic determinism.
Most democratic societies have attempted to address the problem through left-leaning
redistributive
policies or right-leaning supply-side approaches.
Indeed, some contend that income inequality drives economic growth and that
redistributive
transfers weaken the incentive to work, in turn depressing productivity, reducing investment, and ultimately harming the wider community.
EU regulatory power has taken precedence over its
redistributive
powers.
But this idea threatens current beneficiaries of EU
redistributive
policies, namely Spain (which now gets over a third of Union cohesion funds) and Greece (which gets about a fifth), as well as Ireland.
And when the changes give rise to particularly high levels of inequality,
redistributive
measures are needed.
Addressing those concerns – and thus ensuring continued support for inter-Korean cooperation – will require practical solutions to structural problems, not more
redistributive
policies.
In contrast, blaming the undeserving 1% offers a
redistributive
policy agenda with immediate effects.
But if market fundamentalism blocks expansionary macroeconomic policies and prevents
redistributive
taxation or public spending, populist resistance to trade, labor-market deregulation, and pension reform is bound to intensify.
Another common complaint about developed-country central banks’ policies since 2008 is that they have
redistributive
effects.
While partly successful in stimulating the economy, these policies have had massive
redistributive
effects: from small savers to banks, from underwater homeowners to rich investors, and from pensioners to financiers.
These
redistributive
effects are forcing economists to rethink optimal central-bank governance, which has rested on a powerful dogma that emerged in the late 1970’s and early 1980’s, in response to high inflation: central bankers need to be independent of the political system.
When shown pessimistic information about mobility, for example, liberals became even more supportive of
redistributive
policies, such as public education and universal health care.
Why not, for example, entrust an independent bureaucracy with some
redistributive
goals or control over the level of public investment or deficit management?
Of course, monetary policy also has
redistributive
effects.
Communist countries, where egalitarian experiments led to economic disaster, long served as “Exhibit A” in the case against
redistributive
policies.
Moreover,
redistributive
policies did not appear to have any detrimental effects on economic performance.
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