Redistribution
in sentence
362 examples of Redistribution in a sentence
It is understandable that left-leaning scholars found some of the socialist government’s
redistribution
and education policies appealing, as Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz did when visiting Caracas, the country’s capital, in 2007.
Faster economic growth, rising incomes, and wealth
redistribution
over the past decade – fueled by sound macroeconomic policies, foreign investment, and rocketing commodity prices – have helped to reduce poverty rates by 13 percentage points, and extreme poverty by five percentage points.
On paper, wealth
redistribution
through high taxes and state transfers, reflecting Republican ideals of equality and social cohesion ( fraternité ), has brought good results.
Young people in France will rediscover trust and hope when they can be shown a world where fairness consists not just in egalitarian and unconditional redistribution, but also in hard work and good behavior.
But in northern Europeans’ (quite reasonable) view, insurance after an accident has occurred (think of non-performing loans) is a form of
redistribution
that shifts the burden to innocent bystanders (in this case, northern taxpayers).
At the heart of this Franco-German war is the clash between two Rs: the German commitment to rectitude versus the French penchant for
redistribution.
I could not, in good conscience, side credibly with any French, Italian, or Greek proponent of
redistribution
if their proposals violated the principles of rectitude.
Put differently, authentic German rectitude cannot be achieved without a form of
redistribution
that is bound to clash with the interests of, say, a French or a Greek oligarchy too lazy to come to terms with its own unsustainability.
Furthermore, public anger is reaching fever pitch, owing to the effective
redistribution
of wealth away from workers brought about by Macri’s policies.
If Europe were to take such steps, it would look not only like the land of redistribution, but also like a place where the environment is taken care of, energy distribution is efficient, and talent is highly rewarded.
In principle, greater inequality produces a demand for more
redistribution.
This intuition is formalized in a well-known paper in political economy by Allan Meltzer and Scott Richard: the wider the income gap between the median and average voter, the higher the taxes and the greater the
redistribution.
Ideas about how the world works have played a role among the non-elite as well, by dampening the demand for
redistribution.
Those who claim that
redistribution
can adequately address this problem must address the fact that the “losers” of free trade have so far received little, if any, compensation.
Economists have long known that trade liberalization causes income
redistribution
and absolute losses for some groups, even as it enlarges a country’s overall economic pie.
Prior to the welfare state, the tension between openness and
redistribution
was resolved either by large-scale emigration of workers or by re-imposing trade protection, especially in agriculture.
Back in 2007, political scientist Ken Scheve and economist Matt Slaughter called for “a New Deal for globalization” in the US, one that would link “engagement with the world economy to a substantial
redistribution
of income.”
Right wing white politicians, predisposed against taxes and redistribution, use the race issue to secure the votes of poor whites, who otherwise might vote differently on purely economic grounds.
Even taking a generous view, the best that can be said is that the system is neutral insofar as
redistribution
is concerned, because the wealthiest pay more taxes and use more university services.
One recent study suggests that free trade increases income inequality, and the cost of
redistribution
could erode upwards of 20% of the gains.
But, for the most part, fiscal and monetary policies have so far not followed leaders’ rhetorical promises of deep structural reforms and
redistribution
to favor the indigenous and the poor.
The extent to which growth creates opportunities and improves living standards depends on an array of structural and institutional economic policies, including many in areas outside of education and
redistribution
(the areas most commonly featured in discussions about inequality).
They also include areas not traditionally considered equality-enhancing – such as facilitating asset-building through small-business and home ownership and combating corruption – but that are just as important as education or
redistribution
for improving living standards.
When this happens, it is a racing certainty that the existing members will lose out, in several ways:They will have to share their political decision-making powers with the new members,they will have to share their economic advantages, and, in particular,they will face the prospect of a significant budgetary
redistribution
from the rich existing members to the (much poorer) new members.
This is bound to involve greater
redistribution
if the hundreds of millions of Indians who remain extremely poor are not to become alienated from their country’s success story and pulled toward populist extremism.
With credit exhausted, the effects on aggregate demand of decades of
redistribution
of income and wealth – from labor to capital, from wages to profits, from poor to rich, and from households to corporate firms – have become severe, owing to the lower marginal propensity of firms/capital owners/rich households to spend.
Karl Marx oversold socialism, but he was right in claiming that globalization, unfettered financial capitalism, and
redistribution
of income and wealth from labor to capital could lead capitalism to self-destruct.
Institutions are torn down, property rights are called into question, and a random and ever more corrupt
redistribution
effort is underway.
A lack of
redistribution
through taxes in a country like the US (compared to major countries in Europe) does not help matters.
Nevertheless, he did think that
redistribution
would help secure full employment.
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