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Rapid in sentence

2563 examples of Rapid in a sentence

These include the United States’ rapid increase in shale-energy production in recent years, and the US government’s decision to end a 40-year crude-oil export ban.
State-guided economies can continue their rapid growth path, but ultimately they will need to make a transition to a suitable blend of the other two forms of “good capitalism” if they want to continue rapid growth.
His administration shaped the regulatory environment to achieve rapid adoption of internet-based activities and championed government programs to help get schools and libraries connected to the internet.
This predilection harkens back to the Great Leap Forward of the 1950s, when scrap metal was melted to meet wildly optimistic steel-production targets, thereby advancing Mao’s dream of rapid industrialization.
The problem is that rapid labor-productivity growth in the industrial sector – more than 10% per year over the last two decades – is reducing the need to hire more workers.
Borrowing fueled booming investment spending -- some wasteful, but most catalyzing rapid development.
Even if debt levels are tolerable and economies well managed, high short-term debt exposes borrowers to the risk of rapid changes in market sentiment.
Its first decade in EMU was also characterized by rapid economic growth, fueled mainly by abundant and cheap capital inflows.
Indeed, they have shared only one, albeit crucial (and disappointing) feature: the inability to rely on rapid growth as the “safest” way to deleverage an over-indebted economy.
But, contrary to popular belief, there is little evidence that success in implementing governance reforms leads to more rapid and inclusive economic and social development.
We don't have vaccines or rapid tests for SARS, but we do have them for flu.
Kits for rapid diagnosis of influenza infection already exist.
Broader use of rapid diagnostics will permit more effective treatment for flu cases at risk of developing serious complications.
How can America see reasonably rapid output growth and yet rising unemployment?
In the short run, rapid productivity growth poses dilemmas for macroeconomic management, because what would otherwise be seen as reasonably strong demand growth is proving to be insufficient to keep unemployment low.
The continuation of rapid US productivity growth through the recent recession and into the subsequent low-wattage recovery is a very strong piece of evidence that America's long-run rate of GDP and productivity growth has shifted upward permanently, or, if not permanently, at least for a period of time likely to be measured in decades.
Australia, Ireland, and the Scandinavian countries all had their own sustained bursts of unexpectedly rapid growth.
The current conventional wisdom, most strongly advocated by the American economist Robert Gordon, is that the burst of productivity growth that the US is currently experiencing (and that will turn into a full-fledged economic boom whenever demand growth becomes rapid enough) is due to synergy.
The comparison between the late 1990's and early 2000's in America and in Western Europe compels us to reflect on how fragile the underlying institutional mechanisms needed to support rapid economic growth truly are.
Today, China’s extraordinarily rapid economic and political rise has disposed both its government and public to seek to redress old wounds from that period, and not to offer anything in exchange along the way.
Moreover, other things being equal, the extremely rapid rise in fixed-asset investment has eroded China’s investment efficiency and capital efficiency, reducing potential output growth further.
In a much-cited 1983 article, the great economist Wassily Leontief worried that the pace of modern technological change is so rapid that many workers, unable to adjust, will simply become obsolete, like horses after the rise of the automobile.
Of course, some increase in unemployment as a result of more rapid technological change is certainly likely, especially in places like Europe, where a plethora of rigidities inhibit smooth adjustment.
And rapid economic growth is occurring in an environment of small deficits, low debt, and controlled inflation.
But the rapid run-up in equity prices also carries considerable risks – namely, the possibility that the financial sector will misuse the newfound liquidity to finance more speculative investment in asset bubbles, while supporting old industries with excess capacity.
A 2010 study found that countries whose leaders met the Dalai Lama suffered a rapid decline of 8.1-16.9% in exports to China, with the result that now almost all countries, with the conspicuous exception of India and the US, shun official contact with the Tibetan leader.
The result has been rapid degradation of water bodies.
Yet such innovation – including the rapid progress in renewable energy over the last decade – has depended crucially on the relatively free flow of technologies across borders, not to mention China’s unique ability to scale up production and reduce costs quickly.
His hugely influential “dependency” theory argued that if poor countries relied too much on commodity exports, they would never achieve the industrial depth needed to sustain rapid growth.
The one that understandably gets the most attention is the capacity to mount a rapid and effective response.
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