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Raising in sentence

1646 examples of Raising in a sentence

Raising funds by taxing negative externalities reduces distortions rather than creating them.
There are smarter ways to reduce emissions than just raising costs for industry and consumers.
Two important options for raising consumption are social insurance – which is developing, but too slowly – and reducing state-owned enterprises’ huge savings by paying dividends to citizens, much as privately owned companies routinely pay dividends to shareholders.
After laying claim to 80% of the South China Sea, it has just established a so-called air defense identification zone in the East China Sea, raising the odds of armed conflict with Japan and threatening the principle of freedom of navigation of the seas and skies.
Thus, fiscal reform should focus on reducing the growth of spending commitments, which –given the aging of EU societies – must include raising the retirement age.
The government made a mistake in the past by not raising taxes to finance these programs or reducing the benefits that they promised.
If, however, it is financing “current operations” and raising short-term aggregate demand, it is highly risky.
In order to meet this demand, meat producers have had to adopt an extremely problematic approach to raising livestock.
In Asia, China’s military buildup and increasingly assertive approach in pursuing its territorial claims in the South and East China seas – which overlap with claims by Japan, the Philippines, South Korea, and Vietnam – is raising concerns among its regional neighbors.
Money wages will lag behind demand, I argued, only as long as the representative firm is deterred from raising wages by the misperception that wages at other firms are already lower than its own – a disequilibrium that cannot last.
They seem to include the risk of distortion in the financial system, worries that unemployment may fall to unsustainable lows, and concerns that raising interest rates too quickly will disrupt economic recovery.
The Fed has also been consistently more optimistic than market expectations about the available headroom for raising interest rates.
No European leader risks antagonizing the Saudis by raising the issue of democracy and human rights.
And once Iran loses its economic lifeline from Europe and other parts of the world, it might well decide to restart its nuclear program, or even to withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, raising the risk of war.
All of this requires raising capital.
And if growth slows because of the higher cost of imported intermediate inputs, the Fed can offset this by raising interest rates more slowly.
After all, the last big partisan fight (in 2013) over funding the government and raising the debt limit gained little for the Republicans who instigated it – other than significant damage to their reputation for responsibility.
But disagreement on such issues reflects divisions within Trump’s own administration, raising questions about who, if anybody, is actually in charge.
Last year I worked in Ghana as country director of Journalists for Human Rights, a Canadian group that helps African journalists give voice to the voiceless in their society while raising awareness of human rights abuses.
Unlike in Europe, partisan politics shaped US trade policy before World War II, with the Republicans raising tariffs and the Democrats reducing them.
As a result, there is now a very strong case to turn the focus of the US economy from measures aimed at increasing demand to measures aimed at boosting employment directly (without worrying much about whether these measures are efficient in the sense of substantially raising the quantity of goods and services produced).
From then on, raising taxes became anathema to the Republicans, and, in time, most of Bush’s “temporary” tax cuts became permanent.
Progress will be achieved not by building monuments for politicians or holding summits, but by lowering the costs of doing business and raising the incomes of our people.
In that case, the Fed, instead of raising interest rates faster than expected, will probably become more dovish.
As a rule, smart policy consists not in bringing down the rich but in raising up the poor and middle class.
The US should scrutinize each sanctions deployment carefully, and make sure it is reinforcing trust in American leadership – and in the dollar – rather than raising doubts.
Instead, many Latin American countries tried to defend the exchange rates by raising interest rates sharply.
With its attention focused on macroeconomics, the EU neglected to take the measures that would have put economic growth back on track: freeing up markets, cutting spending (rather than raising taxes), and, above all, further developing its greatest asset, the single European market.
In the case of large-scale projects, some host countries are raising questions about the contracts that define their relationship with TNC’s, and governments are reviewing such contracts because they believe (rightly or wrongly) that they did not get a fair deal.
Ironically, the encouragement of housing debt in the US doesn’t even succeed in raising homeownership rates relative to other countries: even at the peak of the housing boom, the subsidies drove up the price of housing more than the quantity.
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