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Radicals in sentence

168 examples of Radicals in a sentence

The novelist Taslima Nasrin went into exile in 1994 to escape death threats from Islamist radicals; she now lives in Delhi.
In Germany, the epicenter of democracy’s collapse, radicals on both the right and the left raged against the postwar peace settlement and the Versailles Treaty.
This plays into the hands of radicals, because it makes Islam the central element of identity.
These groups are fed up with how radicals have smeared Islam in Indonesia, and they are beginning to work together to challenge the extremists head on.
Indonesians have the tools to thwart radicals' efforts to usurp Islam.
The policy, reminiscent of terrorist stratagems, of bombing civilians in order to force the hands of their leaders will only strengthen the radicals and boost their popular support.
The establishment of a Scottish Parliament vested with powers devolved from the United Kingdom Parliament at Westminster has been perhaps the first revolution of the modern era that was conducted by committees of lawyers, clergymen, and accountants rather than cells of bearded radicals.
Radicals will remind Palestinians that these two concessions represent a US-Israeli imposition and an attempt to force the Palestinians to bow to the realities of occupation and dispossession.
Instead of repeating like a broken record that “this has nothing to do with Islam,” it is time to admit that the US has become yet another theater in the battle between the Islam of the radicals and the Islam of enlightenment and the rule of law.
They are radicals.
They are ecological radicals, denying the scientific consensus on global warming; they are prepared to let the Earth cook.
They are legal radicals, supporting the form of torture called water-boarding, as well as widespread secret wiretapping.
They are even nuclear radicals, and many seek to obstruct the New START treaty with Russia, which would modestly advance the arms-control agenda pursued by all Republican presidents since Richard Nixon.
But while this rapprochement strengthens the fighting groups militarily, it also blurs the lines between rebels and Islamist radicals.
It will be hard, to say the least, to agree on additional competences and a stronger European Parliament at a time when so many in Europe, starting with the radicals, consider the EU the main culprit for their current woes.
The Kremlin is understandably concerned about the prospect of radicals with combat experience returning to Russian soil.
Assad, after all, literally unleashed the Islamic State’s current savagery: in May 2011, he released hundreds of Islamic radicals from prison, quickly supplying the infant group with fighters and leaders.
But what they have done is encourage their own radicals – a natural byproduct of Wahhabism, Saudi Arabia’s fundamentalist brand of Islam – to commit their terrorist acts elsewhere.
As the radicals leave, so does Saudi money, which funds their violent activities.
Rather than debate regulations that could stanch the flow of undocumented migrants into the country, pro-immigration radicals seem to doubt that there should be any laws restricting the movement of people at all.
As a result, the Saudi security services have a feel for the pulse of jihadi debates, as well as for the radicals’ recruitment strategies.
An odd coalition of Iranian radicals, AIPAC, the Saudi-led Sunni alliance, the Israeli government, and US politicians from both parties have already compelled Obama to promise additional sanctions on Iran for its sponsorship of terrorism.
All this is a success, not only for anti-death penalty radicals, for the “Hands off Cain” association, the Italian government, and for the European Union and its friends in the world.
The differences between radicals and conservatives in the Party are now sharper than those between the Party and its historic rival, the Kuomintang.
Since the ouster of President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali in 2011, the country has endured pressures from Islamic radicals, a deterioration of its economy, and a chaotic transitional period.
The radicals soon discover that changing norms is not enough to change reality, while the democrats find that heightened social mobilization makes dialogue impossible.
But, as these would-be radicals play politics with Japan’s national security, serious tensions are mounting in our region.
And, in some ways, the radicals will be right.
Indeed, Donald Trump’s new Iran strategy has given radicals in Tehran reason to celebrate, as they have found in the US president an unwitting ally in their quest for political dominance.
For years, Iran’s “conservative radicals” – a concept that combines extreme conservatism in matters of faith and philosophy with radical views on violence – have argued that negotiation and rapprochement with the US are foolish and futile.
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