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Quantitative in sentence

681 examples of Quantitative in a sentence

The US Federal Reserve argues, with some justification, that its quantitative easing is compatible with price stability, while Europe and several emerging countries deem it beggar-thy-neighbor behavior.
They argue that ECB quantitative easing alone, with no fiscal relaxation, would be ineffective.
But they also highlight a crucial question: How does quantitative easing stimulate an economy?
In this sense, the fact that Europe’s political leadership has not dismissed out of hand talk of more dramatic monetary policy from the ECB – inspired by quantitative easing in the United States – provides some hope.
Facing continued economic weakness, but having run out of conventional tools, they then embrace the unconventional approach of quantitative easing (QE).
The BOJ has used a similar justification for its own policy of quantitative and qualitative easing (QQE).
Indeed, it was Shirakawa who, as BOJ Executive Director, decided in March 2006 to end – quite prematurely – the quantitative easing that Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi’s government had implemented at the beginning of 2004.
The simple point that Carney made in his first policy pronouncement was that interest rates will remain unchanged, and the BoE’s variant of quantitative easing will remain in place, at least until unemployment falls below 7% (from its current rate of 7.8%).
Quantitative easing in the advanced countries also raises a question of coordination.
But can a few dozen basis points in (poorly measured) long-term inflation expectations justify the need for massive quantitative easing and a policy rate 250 points lower than it was at a time of weaker market fundamentals?
For each of those processes, it proposes a boundary – a quantitative ceiling – beyond which we risk inducing abrupt changes that could push our planet into a state that is more hostile to humanity.
The return to full employment reflects the Federal Reserve’s strategy of “unconventional monetary policy” – the combination of massive purchases of long-term assets known as quantitative easing and its promise to keep short-term interest rates close to zero.
But the stimulus effect of quantitative easing is far less certain than even that of fiscal stimulus.
The fact is that years of ultra-low interest rates and massive quantitative easing have not increased aggregate demand sufficiently, much less reduced deflationary forces adequately.
Consider the United States Federal Reserve’s foray into quantitative easing.
Even though the markets seem to be anticipating substantial levels of quantitative easing, US corporate investment remains subdued.
In other words, quantitative easing seems to be as effective a method of depreciating the dollar as selling it in currency markets would be.
Warsh, like many Republicans, has harshly criticized the Fed’s attempts to stimulate the US economy in the aftermath of the global financial crisis, warning that the unprecedented expansion of the monetary base brought about by quantitative easing would trigger high inflation.
Moreover, our approach had benefits beyond the immediate quantitative findings, because it united scientists from different disciplines around a shared goal.
This applies particularly to the Fed, which in the autumn of 2010 launched a second round of quantitative easing to stimulate economic growth and employment in the short run, but also to the Bank of England, which is criticized for being too lax.
Using 200 quantitative variables and factors to score 174 countries on a quarterly basis, we have identified a number of countries where investors are missing risks – and opportunities.
In rapid succession, advanced-country central banks also launched quantitative easing (QE), purchasing massive volumes of long-term government securities to reduce their yields.
The purchase of US Treasuries by foreign central banks really took off in 2003, years before the first round of quantitative easing, or “QE1,” was launched in late 2008.
Otherwise, they would need to sustain for much longer their unconventional monetary policies, including quantitative easing and negative policy rates – an approach with which most central banks (with the possible exception of the Bank of Japan) are not comfortable.
Negative real interest rates and quantitative easing have enforced financial repression on holders of cash, hurting savers, while broadly boosting prices of riskier financial assets, most commonly held by the rich.
And in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis, the Fed implemented quantitative easing despite protests that it was allowing the US to export deflation.
Historical arguments over whether FDR’s New Deal worked now form an important part of American debates over current monetary and fiscal policy in general, and the US Federal Reserve’s policy of quantitative easing in particular.
And while the US Federal Reserve’s policy of quantitative easing has propped up businesses, it is no substitute for the enthusiasm and anticipation needed to propel investment.
Across the Atlantic, the Fed is set to complete its exit from quantitative easing (QE) – its policy of large-scale asset purchases – in the next few weeks, leaving it completely dependent on interest rates and forward policy guidance to boost the economy.
Similarly, the quantitative easing (QE) that has defined many major central banks’ monetary policy in recent years does not involve buying or selling foreign assets.
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