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Protests in sentence

1477 examples of Protests in a sentence

Rejecting offers of assistance, it is spending its resources on Chinese-made military-grade crowd-control systems to thwart public protests.
And the military has used its power to suppress protests and force into exile many leaders including the Supreme Court justices elected by the National Assembly in July.
And he insists, over the protests of countless economists, that trade deficits are a sign of US economic weakness.
As the embassy was opened, Palestinian residents of Gaza escalated their protests demanding that Palestinian refugees be allowed to return to what is now Israel, prompting Israeli soldiers to kill at least 62 demonstrators and wound more than 1,500 others at the Gaza boundary fence.
Indeed, perhaps Ukraine’s Orange Revolution, with those thousands of protesters in Kiev’s Independence Square served as a potent reminder to China’s leaders of the Tiananmen Square protests 15 years ago, and – in contrast to Ukraine – their own strategy of brutal repression.
The company’s operations are polarizing – Uber has been the subject of protests and strikes around the world (mainly in Europe) – yet it was recently valued at a stratospheric $18 billion.
And, while presidential elections are expected to be held in Egypt this month, Tahrir Square remains a theater of bloody protests against the military council that has ruled since former President Hosni Mubarak’s fall.
Indeed, although protests began on December 29, 2010, and went so far as a wave of self-immolations in January 2011, the spark of revolution faded after President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who was wise enough not to stifle unrest with force, made concessions – including, most importantly, an end to the 19-year state of emergency.
Just this past June, for example, France went through a 1968-style month of strikes and street protests only to implement minor pension reforms: the elimination of a few special privileges enjoyed by public sector employees.
There were big anti-government protests in Caracas after a privately owned cable television channel, RCTV, was shut down.
At times, as seems to be the case with the video that triggered the current protests in cities across North Africa and the Middle East, a long period may elapse between the offensive material’s dissemination and an outpouring of popular rage.
As pro-democracy protests shake Arab authoritarian regimes, the prospect of sustained conflict threatens a global economy still dependent on oil, while the aftermath of the Japanese earthquake and nuclear accident raises doubts about the security of nuclear energy.
That led to protests in many poorer countries, and to a political determination to extract additional gains from other commodity exports.
And they produce an economic basis for discontent – which played at least some part in triggering the protests of the “Arab Spring.”
The security crackdown to stem protests there, and the virtual sealing off of the Kirti Monastery in Ngaba, where the first of the current wave of self-immolations occurred, appears merely to have spread protest farther afield.
The fate of people arbitrarily imprisoned due to their religious beliefs and participation in recent protests adds to the growing worries about stability in Tibet.
The two sides were never in danger of going to war, but Chinese officials allowed nationalist protests to develop into boycotts of Japanese products and acts of vandalism against Japanese companies.
In fact, just last month, students at New Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University were arrested on charges of sedition, for using “anti-Indian” slogans in their protests against the execution of the convicted terrorist Afzal Guru.
Protests by some parties that could not afford the high cost of TV spots and billboards mirror similar complaints in the US.
Repeated attempts to repeal the Postal Service statute always brought violent protests from postal employee unions, Postal Service executives, and rural communities that fear being deprived of services.
Even though the region was already being transformed by demographic changes, including rapid population growth, urbanization, and a spike in unemployed, university-educated young adults, the eruption of protests took many Middle Eastern and North African countries by surprise.
Other senior Fatah officials have been banned from travel outside the West Bank, owing largely to their involvement in nonviolent protests.
The subdued nature of the few public protests that have occurred contrasts sharply with uprisings in Europe’s other struggling economies – such as Greece, Spain, Portugal, and Ireland – not to mention those that have roiled the Arab world in recent years.
Protests against Nazi racism were stifled with stern Olympic lectures about the apolitical nature of sports.
But the Islamists’ call for nationwide protests flopped.
But the uprising in Manama differs from the mass protests that turned out longtime rulers in North Africa.
From the turmoil in the 1920’s, following administrative reforms, to labor protests in the 1950’s, the country is accustomed to agitation.
Significantly, the protests against Putin’s regime in 2012 have since been interpreted not as a protest against Putin himself, but rather against the social order to which Eurasianism aspires.
Similarly, opposition leaders in Zimbabwe have been prosecuted for treason; sodomy charges were leveled against the Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim; and former Belarusian presidential candidate Andrei Sannikov was imprisoned for allegedly organizing mass protests.
What accounts for the stark contrast between the mass protests against the Vietnam War and the muted public reaction to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq?
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