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Protest in sentence

921 examples of Protest in a sentence

Virtually no expert foresaw the events of 1989; no expert whom I know imagined that China’s next wave of destabilizing protest might come from a mass movement of superstitious middle-aged, middle-class citizens dedicated to recycled notions of Buddhist and Taoist clean living, health through meditation, breathing exercises and mysticism spread via the Internet.
So, too, is the debate about the relative contributions of political and economic factors to the eventual eruption of popular protest.
Non-violent movements have formed to protest not only Bouteflika’s continued leadership, but also the pervasive role of the army and intelligence services in civil society.
also repeatedly asked for assurances – at least five times – that the NDAA would not sweep up people like the plaintiffs: journalists engaged in journalism and citizens engaged in peaceful protest.
In a sense, Pussy Riot created a simulacrum of a punk-rock group, a piece of performance art about anonymous protest musicians being mistaken for real musicians by real musicians.
Officers who protest are court-martialed and transferred to remote stations.
And lest they protest too loudly, non-governmental organizations have been warned that they may lose their license to operate.
Though none of the governments implicated in the scandals will collapse – at least not exclusively because of corruption – the sheer scale of the social and political protest, not to mention legal action, is astonishing.
But there is no comparable protest against the use of antipsychotic drugs, which have similarly been forced on people – and even used to torture prisoners.
ECT’s critics seem to think that if they do not protest against its use at every opportunity, its advocates will inflict it on people who do not need it.
This boxes in the true judges, for if they protest by boycotting their supervisory duties, the task will fall once more to police from the infamous Ministry of the Interior.
Several opposition parties have called on their members to stay away in protest over restrictive election rules that strongly favor Mubarak.
In Tunisia, a mass protest called for all women to be veiled, which led to unveiled female religion professors being hounded off campuses.
New York’s government and people do not protest because Mississippi receives far more from the federal budget, relative to what it contributes, than New Yorkers do.
At the same time, people increasingly protest against the wind farms in their backyards.
Thousands marched in protest to the National Assembly in June, and the amendment has since been withdrawn.
When the protest leaders’ grievances expanded to include the 2012 budget’s lavish provisions for the president and top civil servants, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation’s shady deals, and government corruption, Jonathan realized that he had to back down.
This did not impress the protest leaders.
The counter-script for establishing or restoring pro-democratic conditions consists of more mass protest; the appearance and display of resistance symbols; the emergence of enough spokespeople throughout society that all of them cannot be arrested at once; overt civil and covert disobedience, at every level of society, that brings the economy to a halt; withdrawal of support by lawyers and judges for the regime’s decisions; international sanctions tied to human rights and clean elections; the refusal – tricky but not unattainable – of many soldiers and police to fire at unarmed citizens; and, finally, when the rule of law is reestablished, serious prosecutions of the defeated regime’s ringleaders.
When we see footage of nonviolent protesters being brutally beaten by police and militia members, it is painful to deliver the message that, if history is a guide, continued street protest will make the difference between Iran being like Myanmar or, possibly, like Czechoslovakia.
Time and again, when mass street protest has been sustained for more than a week or two, a regime – even one that has begun beating and arresting protesters –eventually finds it practically and psychologically difficult to sustain its hold.
Street protest, if it can sustain itself for more than that crucial first week, has an effect that is both tactical and emotional; mass protest during the French Revolution made it clear to the courtiers that this rebellion would be too profound to quell in the usual manner; street protests in the American colonies, in the face of arrest or worse, made the colonies ungovernable even before George III waged a costly, unpopular war.
According to King, disruptive mass protest exposes the tension that has been hidden or ignored, so that it can be addressed.
Iran’s citizens – and all people longing to resist a tyrannical government or to protest in an established democracy – should bear that lesson in mind.
That will be welcome news to people living under dictatorial regimes installed and propped up by the US, and to the opposition leaders and journalists languishing in US-supported prisons in those countries for having engaged in just such protest.
As we discovered collecting essays for our new book From Cairo to Wall Street: Voices from the Global Spring, one of the defining characteristics of the new age of protest is the dovetailing of the desire and the ability to connect – across neighborhoods, cities, countries, and even continents.
In every contributor’s country, a new awareness of shared destinies and of a global community permeated protest movements.
They were also revolutions of ideas – the globalization of protest as a strategy.
Their banners rose again, shortly after Nemtsov’s assassination, when tens of thousands of Russians took to the streets in protest.
They may do so through protest, as the Ottoman calligraphers did, and as Irish opponents of genetically modified potatoes did in 2002, by marching in Dublin to express their opposition to the “death of good food.”
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