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Protest in sentence

921 examples of Protest in a sentence

After all, what is most profound about these protest movements is not their demands, but rather the nascent infrastructure of a common humanity.
Meanwhile, the same hard-right Hindu groups that protest Valentine’s Day as a decadent Western holiday have warned that if Sarkozy arrives with his girlfriend in tow, they’ll be out in the streets to welcome him.
Initially, a provisional government that included members of the opposition was formed, but the opposition leaders soon left in protest at the number of cabinet holdovers from Ben-Ali’s administration.
But women were not serving only as support workers, the habitual role to which they are relegated in protest movements, from those of the 1960’s to the recent student riots in the United Kingdom.
The nature of social media, too, has helped turn women into protest leaders.
Likewise, women tend to avoid the figurehead status that traditional protest has in the past imposed on certain activists – almost invariably a hotheaded young man with a megaphone.
Of course, Facebook cannot reduce the risks of protest.
But they are actually reenacting the 1930s, with its right-wing protest movements and militias.
Liu Xiaobo – who won the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize – was sentenced to 11 years in prison, despite worldwide protest.
The people gather there, in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood, to protest the eviction of Palestinian families from their homes to make way for Israeli settlers.
Israeli students were the first to organize a protest, known as the Sheikh Jarrah Solidarity Movement.
Since turning out to rally in record numbers on the anniversary of the handover to China in 2003, hundreds of thousands of Hong Kong citizens have taken peacefully to the streets on various occasions to protest government decisions and demand political reform.
Hong Kong's people may well conclude that they have no alternative but to use every occasion to protest chief executive Tung Chee-hwa's unpopular government, making it even harder for him to govern.
After all, non-violent protests are an Indian specialtyBut Gandhi’s yardstick for non-violent protest was satyagraha – “the protest of truth.”
Although the CCP faces no organized opposition today, it confronts virtually organized protest activities on a daily basis.
And, to a large extent, it can be seen as a protest vote against Merkel herself.
Not only has he watched close regional allies, Egypt’s President Hosni Mubarak and Yemen’s Ali Abdullah Saleh, be toppled, but fellow crowned heads in Bahrain, Morocco, and Jordan have also felt their thrones quake from public protest.
The events of 1989 remain so sensitive, and Tiananmen Square so securely guarded, that it is hard to imagine a protest happening there soon.
Few outside of the lumpen classes of unemployed workers and dispossessed peasants seem to have any gusto for political protest.
When voters’ expectations clashed with the new socioeconomic reality, they took to the streets to protest.
But Morocco is now facing its own “Tunisia moment,” reminiscent of the street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation in 2010, in protest against state harassment.
And on June 11, the capital, Rabat, was the site of the largest popular protest since the outbreak of the Arab Spring.
Yet hundreds of thousands of Chileans have taken to the streets to protest against low pensions.
And it is precisely the disparity between scrawny pension checks and managers’ fat profits that fuels protest.
But when in several years one of his former regional First Secretaries, Boris Yeltsin that is, signed a decree banning the Communist Party none of 18 million party members went to the streets to protest.
No sooner had a newly-elected member taken his oath than a number of MPs from the Bahujan Samaj Party, which rules India’s largest state, Uttar Pradesh, stormed into the well of the House, shouting slogans and waving placards in protest against the government’s land-acquisition policies.
In Iran, the regime pushes ahead, but is clearly being hurt by an economic crisis (largely a consequence of international sanctions), popular protest, and internal bickering – and has turned bellicose as a result.
As wave after wave of Falun Gong supporters arrived in Tiananmen Square to be arrested, however, what began as an aberrant event became the most widespread movement of organized protest in China since 1989.
So, Falung Gong is viewed as an ominous threat to Party hegemony, perhaps even more ominous than any previous protest movement.
In this sense Falun Gong is a double paradox: a traditionalistic movement freighted with deep historical symbolism, it is also a cyber-savvy, modern Chinese protest movement.
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