Protectionist
in sentence
357 examples of Protectionist in a sentence
He was famously
protectionist
during the primaries, declaring he would unilaterally rewrite NAFTA.
On all three dimensions,
protectionist
policy was hemmed in.
Of course, we might still have yielded to pressure for
protectionist
measures, especially as WTO rules leave open the possibility of such a response.
But modernization stalled when
protectionist
pressures from Lancashire and the exigencies of Imperial finance led the British to abandon free trade and laissez faire .
But that can scarcely explain European nervousness and the
protectionist
reaction.
Such dark
protectionist
thoughts are far from the minds of the benevolent organizers of the United Kingdom’s annual “Fairtrade Fortnight,” during which I just bought two bars of fair-trade chocolate and a jar of fair-trade chunky peanut butter.
Fair-trade products like cocoa, coffee, tea, and bananas do not compete with domestic European production, and therefore do not have a
protectionist
motive.
And, unlike in 2017, the US dollar is now strengthening, which will lead to an even larger US trade deficit and more
protectionist
policies as Trump, assuming he remains true to form, blames other countries.
The dangers posed by today’s emerging
protectionist
coalitions cannot be discounted.
In pursuit of
protectionist
objectives, for example, trade unions may wave the human rights banner of "high" labor standards, but in fact they are merely trying to boost wages to uncompetitive levels.
Augmenting the risk is the prospect that such a development could spur the Trump administration to follow through on
protectionist
rhetoric, potentially undermining market and business confidence and, if things went far enough, even triggering a response from major trade partners.
And it would help to avoid a scenario in which a Trump administration, under political pressure, would threaten
protectionist
measures, increasing the risk of a trade war that would hurt nearly everyone.
With policies ranging from export subsidies and nontariff barriers to intellectual-property piracy and tilting the domestic market in favor of Chinese companies, China represents, in the words of Harvard’s Graham Allison, the “most protectionist, mercantilist, and predatory major economy in the world.”
An outfit called the Global Trade Alert (GTA) has been at the forefront, raising alarm bells about what it calls “a
protectionist
juggernaut.”
The GTA’s latest report identifies no fewer than 192 separate
protectionist
actions since November 2008, with China as the most common target.
President Barack Obama’s decision to introduce steep duties (set at 35% in the first year) in response to a US International Trade Commission ruling (sought by US labor unions) has been widely criticized as stoking the
protectionist
fires.
If the world has not fallen off the
protectionist
precipice during the crisis, as it did during the 1930’s, much of the credit must go the social programs that conservatives and market fundamentalists would like to see scrapped.
This is one reason why, after Mao Zedong’s communists triumphed in China in 1949 and other Asian nations gained independence, most Asian countries adopted
protectionist
inward-looking economic policies aimed at building domestic strength, keeping the “imperialists” out, and achieving self-reliance.
Britain will not sign up to a Europe going off the deep end and the US will not link and fix its currency to the euro unless things get so bad in America that a
protectionist
like Richard Gephardt becomes president.
He might also want to reconsider his triumphalist rhetoric, given US President Donald Trump’s nationalist sensitivities and
protectionist
bullying.
Though candidates tend to rollback from
protectionist
stances once they come to power, the Democrats’ control of both houses of Congress may not give Obama that leeway.
But the fact remains that, if Trump’s heated
protectionist
rhetoric continues, the US will face a strong dollar, severely weakened exporters, and a much larger trade deficit – not to mention heightened tensions with a formidable China.
Resurrecting Creditor AdjustmentLONDON – With all the
protectionist
talk coming from US President Donald Trump’s administration, it is surprising that no one has mentioned, much less sought to invoke, an obvious tool for addressing persistent external imbalances: the 1944 Bretton Woods Agreement’s “scarce-currency clause.”
European public opinion is increasingly introspective and sporadically
protectionist.
With a strong regional market, ASEAN can drive its own economic destiny, rather than relying on demand from external markets, and will be better insulated against potential
protectionist
shocks.
If voters want to limit the cross-border movement of goods, services, and people, companies will have to adopt a new model that builds in more redundancy within borders; and investors will need to look for firms that can profit with minimal border crossings, or that can still generate a profit despite increased
protectionist
friction.
They threaten a major
protectionist
backlash in the United States and Europe; and they undermine the recovery in developing and emerging markets.
Global imbalances and currency misalignments could well wreck the global recovery and push the world into the
protectionist
mire.
Such broad
protectionist
measures will affect every sector of US manufacturing in one way or another, and manufacturers certainly will not eat the full costs of higher-priced steel and aluminum inputs.
This removed Trump’s main
protectionist
threat and killed his hopes of financing big tax cuts with revenues from a “border adjustment” tax.
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