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Productivity in sentence

2837 examples of Productivity in a sentence

In order for an increase in the productivity of those who work to result in a growth of GDP per capita it is necessary that productivity growth not be not nullified by a simultaneous reduction in the number, and thus the proportion, of those who work.
Productivity grows due to the expansion of the most dynamic and efficient firms, but the percentage of those who work is decreasing all the time.
Those who predict generally low interest rates over the next generation point to rapid growth of productivity and potential output in the world economy.
Wall street 1929 all over againCAMBRIDGE: Any writer of financial fiction would have an easy time setting the stage-ballooning valuations of stocks founded on exaggerated beliefs about the impact of new technologies on productivity, and gross over-confidence in the American model, are placed side-by-side with an all-pervasive global financial fragility, evidenced in the Asian crises, a moribund Japan, and chaotic Russia.
On the supply side, whatever the truth of higher productivity growth and higher trend output growth, the story is not that good.
Whether or not the partnership lasts will depend on how Maduro tackles Venezuela’s many problems, including high inflation, a soaring crime rate, pervasive corruption, economic stagnation, low productivity, supply shortages, capital flight, insufficient investment, weak institutions, and a lack of respect for the rule of law.
As the International Labor Organization’s latest Global Wage Report shows, wage gains are lagging far behind productivity growth.
In the US, the deregulation of the financial sector over the last few decades, and the accompanying rise of dubious financial instruments, destabilized the real economy while doing little to improve productivity.
In addition, massive investment in both countries’ creaking physical infrastructure would create jobs for some workers and improve the productivity of others.
The advantages of improving education, creating more jobs, and increasing productivity seem clear.
Lower productivity and higher unit labor costs eroded firms' willingness to hire, leaving Europe with chronically higher unemployment than in the US.
They should raise productivity by building modern infrastructure and promoting science and technology.
With productivity growth stagnating for almost two decades, it made sense back then to argue that the US government’s social-insurance commitments (Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid) were excessive and so had to be scaled back.
The intervening years have seen an explosion of technological innovation that has carried America’s general productivity growth back up to its pre-slowdown levels.
Expanding education in countries where institutional failure, poor governance, and macro-economic mismanagement stymie investment is a prescription for low productivity and high unemployment.
To understand Friedman’s logic, consider a scenario in which productivity in the United States rises.
Over the last decade, China has been working to shift from a manufacturing-led growth model fueled by low-cost labor to an innovation-led, higher-value-added model underpinned by strong productivity gains.
But while the success of smaller cities is to be celebrated, it is China’s megacities where the greatest potential to fuel future progress in productivity – and thus GDP growth – is to be found.
In particular, China must abandon its land-quota system, which not only limits the amount of land cities can develop for future productivity growth, but also allocates a disproportionate share of land to factories.
From an economic standpoint, the Yangtze and Pearl River Deltas – which encompass megacities like Guangzhou, Shanghai, and Shenzhen – are undoubtedly the most important such urban agglomerations, set to generate the higher future productivity gains from economies of scale and complementarity.
Nor is it surprising that these companies failed to eliminate inefficiencies and raise productivity.
Public-sector investment is now below the level needed to sustain robust growth, owing to its insufficient contribution to aggregate demand and productivity gains.
In the non-tradable sector (60-70% of the economy in advanced countries), the main growth inhibitors are weak demand, as in the United States following the financial crisis, and structural and competitive impediments to productivity, as in Japan.
In the tradable sector, growth depends on a country’s productivity relative to incomes and competitiveness.
But, for individual economies, relative productivity versus income levels determines the share of global tradable aggregate demand that is accessible.
Fortunately, if countries increase productivity with the aim of boosting relative productivity and growth potential on the tradable side, this will increase incomes and accelerate the growth of global aggregate demand.
When incomes get significantly out of line with productivity levels (as they have recently), reviving growth requires resetting the terms of trade, which can be done with exchange rates, whether managed or set by markets.
Focusing on one (say, the competitiveness problem in the tradable sector) to the exclusion of the other (perhaps a serious non-tradable demand shortfall or stagnant absolute productivity) will not be enough.
The French economy benefits from high productivity potential and a well-educated work force, but trade unionists and other members of Hollande’s Socialist Party are blocking measures that would restore strong growth.
In anticipation of worsening food and energy security concerns in the future, ASEAN has set priorities for programs that increase productivity and production, strengthen policy coordination on agricultural trade, and boost efforts to alleviate poverty.
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