Productivity
in sentence
2837 examples of Productivity in a sentence
The truth is that the way forward in Europe requires achieving greater
productivity.
According to this view, healthy public and private balance sheets and existing infrastructure bottlenecks would provide room for increased investment and higher total factor
productivity
in many developing countries.
In 2010, it created the Ethiopian Agricultural Transformation Agency, a public entity dedicated to boosting the
productivity
of the agriculture sector.
Rising
productivity
fails to translate into higher wages.
And they saw an economy growing considerably faster than North Atlantic economies had when they possessed the same absolute and relative economy-wide
productivity
levels.
The Japanese work ethic would persist, the reasoning went, and Japan’s high savings rate and slow population growth would give it a substantial edge in capital intensity – and thus in labor
productivity
– on top of whatever economy-wide advantage it might develop in total factor
productivity.
Its economy-wide relative
productivity
level has since declined, with two decades of malaise eliminating the pressures to upgrade in agriculture, distribution, and other services.
On the contrary, since the late 1980’s, Japan’s high personal savings rate, rather than being a source of supply-side strength, has been a source of demand-side weakness, financing investment abroad and government debt rather than spurring a domestic investment boom that would boost capital intensity and labor
productivity.
Seven years ago, prior to the global financial crisis, the overwhelming consensus among economists was that, in retrospect, Japan’s expected convergence in
productivity
levels to America’s Pacific coast was not in the cards.
Probing the
Productivity
ParadoxWASHINGTON, DC – Over the last decade or so,
productivity
growth has slowed considerably in most major developed economies, even as impressive advances have been made in areas like computing, mobile telephony, and robotics.
All of these advances ostensibly should have boosted productivity; and yet, in the United States, a world leader in technological innovation, business-sector labor
productivity
growth in 2004-2014 averaged less than half the rate of the previous decade.
One theory that has gained a lot of traction lately is that the so-called
productivity
paradox does not actually exist.
Productivity
growth only seems to be dropping, the logic goes, because the statistics we use to measure it fail to capture fully recent gains, especially those from new and higher-quality information and communication technology (ICT).
Moreover, the skeptics point out, standard measures of
productivity
are based on GDP, which, by definition, includes only output produced.
Indeed, a recent review of research on
productivity
by the Brookings Institution and the Chumir Foundation confirmed that gains from new technologies are underestimated, owing to measurement issues relating to both product quality and consumer surplus.
“Techno-optimists,” for their part, believe that ICT advances do have the potential to drive rapid
productivity
growth; their benefits are merely subject to lags and come in waves.
Firm-level data show that
productivity
growth has held up relatively well for firms that are at the technological frontier.
There is also a macroeconomic element to the decline in
productivity
growth, rooted in deficient aggregate demand.
According to former US Treasury Secretary Larry Summers, when the desired level of investment is below the desired level of savings despite a nominal interest rate of zero, chronically deficient demand constrains GDP and
productivity
growth, producing so-called “secular stagnation.”
Any strategy to address the problems underpinning low
productivity
growth – from inadequate technological diffusion to income inequality – must address skill constraints and mismatches affecting the labor market’s ability to adjust.
At the recent G20 summit in Hangzhou, China, world leaders emphasized the need to boost investment and accelerate structural reforms to enhance
productivity
and lift potential growth.
But we know one thing: the
productivity
paradox is real, and it is contributing to rising inequality in many societies.
Today’s high levels of inequality also impede the structural reforms needed to boost productivity, while undermining efforts to address residual pockets of excessive indebtedness.
But entering Europe’s economic and monetary union was meant to induce the political system to pursue longer-term goals such as
productivity
growth and enhanced competitiveness.
More generally, the best way to serve today’s young people is to make higher
productivity
a national priority.
The main reason for this is that the lion’s share of the
productivity
gains achieved over the last 30 years has been seized by the well-off.
And with less intensive energy use and increased efficiency, energy
productivity
in the global economy could increase by 40-70% over the next two decades.
Despite these hurdles, technological innovation should help Chinese producers realize
productivity
gains and deliver savings to consumers.
On one side, sectors of the economy demonstrate extraordinary productivity, and have won big shares of international markets.
GDP per capita (that is, GDP divided by the total population) depends on two factors: the
productivity
of those who work (that is, GDP divided by the number of people employed), and the number of people who work as a proportion of the population.
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