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Productivity in sentence

2837 examples of Productivity in a sentence

Yet Germany’s corporate sector remains reluctant to borrow and invest in the country, because it sees little reason to expect long-term economic growth, given that the population is set to decline and productivity gains remain anemic.
With broad action on policy, investment, and technology, Africa’s farmers can double their productivity within five years.
Unions have historically been especially important since they engage in decentralized wage bargaining that tie wages to firms’ productivity.
But high productivity is not the only element of high performance.
Is there evidence directly associating high performance - that is, high employment and high productivity - with the presence of institutions believed helpful to dynamism and the absence of those believed harmful?
A cross-country analysis estimates that university education is good for all three elements of economic performance: the employment rate (relative to the working-age population), the unemployment rate (relative to labor force), and labor productivity too.
A high level of job protection is bad for productivity but does not have a clear effect on either employment rate or unemployment rate.
In fact, among the 12 large OECD nations, a higher degree of corporatism as commonly measured is loosely associated with lower employment and lower productivity.
Here, much can be done by improving existing government programs: expanding market-relevant training, increasing opportunities for married women to join or rejoin the labor force, reducing the penalties in Social Security rules for continued employment by older workers, and changing tax rules in ways that will increase productivity and wages.
Across industrial countries, there has been a slowdown in productivity growth – and therefore in overall economic growth – which now appears to have started around the year 2000.
The precise explanation remains elusive, but the prevailing view is that while the advent of new information technology had some definite positive impact on productivity in the 1990s, the gains have not proved sufficiently long-lived or widespread.
Consider the productivity debate.
Economists trying to explain the apparent structural slowdown in productivity growth have been asking the following question: Where is the missing increase?
But it may also be useful to consider a more fundamental question: How much productivity growth do we really want, and at what cost?
There is no doubt that productivity growth is desirable.
But this does not mean that policymakers’ primary goal should be more productivity growth.
Inasmuch as productivity growth – and, in turn, GDP and income growth – advances these societal objectives, it is highly desirable.
In order to determine how much productivity growth we want, we need to take a broader view, one that enables us to decide how best to allocate society’s limited resources, especially its most valuable human resources.
Health-related discoveries and advances, for example, have brought massive societal benefits since World War II: increased longevity and reduced child mortality and morbidity, not just higher productivity and GDP.
In some cases, people’s desires may actually clash with the goal of improving productivity.
Social media, for example, has often been derided as a feeble or even negative contributor to productivity.
But productivity is not the point of social media.
China has reached – or perhaps passed – the stage during which a laser-like focus on productivity and GDP growth corresponds with ordinary citizens’ sense of wellbeing.
As a result, China’s resources are increasingly being redeployed toward a more balanced portfolio that still includes growth, but adds environmental protection, social welfare, security, and innovation in a wide range of fields that overlap only partly with productivity and income growth.
All of this suggests that a substantial share of the decline in productivity growth may not be the result of some deep problem with resource allocation or some consequence of exogenous technological innovation cycles over which we have little control.
Without productivity growth, the incomes of those at the lower end of the distribution will likely remain flat, exacerbating inequality and, as we have been seeing lately, jeopardizing social and political stability.
Societies could, we have little doubt, elevate productivity and income growth substantially, if they managed to redeploy their resources entirely in that direction.
Big business brought major productivity improvements, but it also increased the power of private companies to act in ways that were injurious to the broader marketplace – and to society.
Reformers on the right hope that employee ownership will improve productivity and increase worker identification with the interests of capital.
Employee ownership improves incentives for employee productivity, and reduces incentives for a firm to exploit its workers by, for example, imposing poor wages or working conditions on employees who, though highly productive, find that for personal or professional reasons their opportunities for alternative employment have decreased over time.
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