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Productivity in sentence

2837 examples of Productivity in a sentence

European unemployment remains high, and productivity growth (and hence living standards) has slowed since the mid-1990s.
Even non-economically-minded voters perceive the striking difference with the US, where productivity growth has skyrocketed since the mid-1990s and unemployment is far lower.
Scientists can now credibly say that the early childhood years – from birth to age 5 – lay the foundation for later economic productivity, responsible citizenship, and a lifetime of sound physical and mental health.
The Complexity of InequalityMUNICH – Since 2013, when Thomas Piketty published his much-discussed study of the distribution of income and wealth, inequality has been at the forefront of public debate in most advanced economies, blamed for everything from slow growth and stagnating productivity to the rise of populism and the Brexit vote.
Changes in education levels, unionization, and productivity are part of the explanation for this instability.
Tax policy has favored debt accumulation by households at the expense of saving, and a significant productivity slowdown is affecting US international competitiveness.
Lower borrowing and capital investment by firms reduces future productivity growth and growth in real incomes.
The answer is that the underlying trend of productivity growth in the American economy continues to be exceptionally positive.
The 5.7% annual productivity gain recorded in the second quarter seems likely to be matched in July-September.
In the short run, rapid productivity growth poses dilemmas for macroeconomic management, because what would otherwise be seen as reasonably strong demand growth is proving to be insufficient to keep unemployment low.
Rapid productivity growth is-in the long run-good news for America: a higher-productivity economy is better at enhancing human welfare.
The continuation of rapid US productivity growth through the recent recession and into the subsequent low-wattage recovery is a very strong piece of evidence that America's long-run rate of GDP and productivity growth has shifted upward permanently, or, if not permanently, at least for a period of time likely to be measured in decades.
America, of course, is not alone among industrial nations that have seen productivity growth accelerate since the second half of the 1990's.
So you would think that the same productivity revolution would happen in those countries.
The current conventional wisdom, most strongly advocated by the American economist Robert Gordon, is that the burst of productivity growth that the US is currently experiencing (and that will turn into a full-fledged economic boom whenever demand growth becomes rapid enough) is due to synergy.
In Robert Gordon's estimation-and in mine-the roots of an economy-wide high-tech productivity boom like the one seen in the US are so delicate that they flourish in American but not in continental European soil.
Why does slow productivity growth translate into high costs?
The problem is that service industries ultimately have to compete for workers in the same national labor pool as sectors with fast productivity growth, such as finance, manufacturing, and information technology.
Admittedly, the problem is worse in the government sector, where productivity growth is much slower even than in other service industries.
Politicians can and will promise to do a better job, but they cannot succeed unless we identify ways to boost government services’ efficiency and productivity.
Nearly two-thirds of the expected growth would come from increased productivity, because businesses, financial-service providers, and government organizations would be able to operate much more efficiently if they did not have to rely on cash and paper recordkeeping.
Worse, service industries are falling further behind large manufacturers in terms of productivity and wages.
Indeed, some contend that income inequality drives economic growth and that redistributive transfers weaken the incentive to work, in turn depressing productivity, reducing investment, and ultimately harming the wider community.
The overwhelming evidence is that the lion’s share of productivity gains in the last 30 years has gone to the very rich.
A UBI that grows in line with capital productivity would ensure that the benefits of automation go to the many, not just to the few.
But it will have to sustain labor productivity growth of at least 5% annually for the next 15-20 years – an outcome that will depend on rising urbanization and deepening technological progress.
In addition, promoting democracy and human rights in authoritarian countries such as China will improve their social equality, economic productivity, and political stability in the long run, making them better trading partners.
These are key issues in the short term, but, as every economist knows, long-run economic growth is determined mainly by improving productivity.
Japan also suffered a number of severe productivity shocks, which had much to do with its longer-term problems.
But, because productivity ultimately must be built on innovation, not just on ever more buildings and equipment, it was inevitable that returns on investment would turn south at some point.
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