Privatization
in sentence
465 examples of Privatization in a sentence
Russia has talked about a new round of
privatization
before.
On the first day of his second stint as President, Putin signed a decree “On the long-term state economic policy” that stipulated full
privatization
of all state assets – except natural monopolies, natural resources, and defense assets – before 2016.
If they had been, Russia would have earned a lot more from
privatization
than it will now; after all, in 2012 and 2013, asset prices were, in dollar terms, more than double their current levels.
The constraints on foreign ownership and lending by state-owned banks (which dominate Russia’s financial system) could drive
privatization
revenues even lower.
Igor Sechin, the CEO of Rosneft, has declared that he would prefer delaying
privatization
until the oil price returns to $100 per barrel.
And Putin, who has declared
privatization
to be worthwhile even at lower prices (owing to implied efficiency gains), seems ready to issue the orders.
Of course, this approach will also weaken the
privatization
plan’s structural impact; but even the sale of minority stakes promises to improve transparency and corporate governance.
On the contrary, if
privatization
does not raise budget revenues or increase efficiency, the public is likely to deem it illegitimate.
In this sense, the success of the coming round of
privatization
depends on Russia’s re-engagement with the rest of the world.
One more critical factor that could make or break Russia’s
privatization
efforts is the strength and quality of its legal institutions.
Russia stands to gain a lot from
privatization.
But, without institutional reforms, this round of
privatization
may look similar to the one conducted in the 1990s, with excessively low prices preventing the government from solving its fiscal problems or establishing the legitimacy of private property.
Commitments to transparent
privatization
auctions and competitive bidding for procurement reduce the scope for rent-seeking behavior.
Then, under arbitrary assumptions regarding growth rates, inflation,
privatization
receipts, and so forth, they compute what primary surpluses are necessary in every year, working backward to the present.
The previous reform program, which our partners are so adamant should not be “rolled back” by our government, was founded on internal devaluation, wage and pension cuts, loss of labor protections, and price-maximizing
privatization
of public assets.
Our government is eager to rationalize the pension system (for example, by limiting early retirement), proceed with partial
privatization
of public assets, address the non-performing loans that are clogging the economy’s credit circuits, create a fully independent tax commission, and boost entrepreneurship.
The development so far underscores the close link between the attractiveness of a country to foreign investors and the pace of market reforms, deregulation, a convincing
privatization
programme and stability-oriented monetary and fiscal policy.
In the last ten years, CONAIE has spearheaded protests to stop privatization, the extraction of natural resources, and export-oriented agricultural policies.
After a slow start, since 1995
privatization
has pushed this process forward.
Geared to closing gaping holes in the state budget,
privatization
sales became the favorite mechanism rather than mass distribution schemes in the manner of the Czechs.
After the recent
privatization
of the Hungarian Credit Bank to the Dutch bank ABN AMRO, this share is more than 60%, and likely to grow.
The path to such openness was thorny: foreign competition in the early 1990s deepened the structural problems of big Hungarian banks, a malady which faster
privatization
could have eased.
Energy sector
privatization
strengthens the economy's openness, too.
Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher successfully promoted lower income taxes,
privatization
of government enterprises, weaker unions, and a generally smaller role for government.
French Premier Jospin quietly liberalized the French labor market by allowing for more part-time work, increased privatization, and promoted a more globally competitive financial system with reduced governmental control.
Instead, the Chinese government launched a raft of radical reforms, including large-scale
privatization
of industry and elimination of price controls and protectionist policies and regulations.
These countries would rather empower other actors, even if it means fueling dangerous religious radicalization and the
privatization
of violence.
This was certainly true in the 1980’s and early 1990’s, when right-wing ideology dominated, producing a one-size-fits-all prescription entailing privatization, liberalization, and macroeconomic stability (meaning price stability), with little attention to employment, equity, or the environment.
Despite privatization, there are roughly 119,000 state-owned enterprises today, with a book value of about $4 trillion.
By itself,
privatization
is clearly not the solution.
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