Prices
in sentence
6195 examples of Prices in a sentence
The fact that the government is willing to buy in the future (and now) should raise
prices
today, because it reduces the possibility of low
prices
in a future fire sale.
Moreover, once a sufficient number of distressed entities sell their assets,
prices
will rise simply because there is no longer a potential overhang of future fire sales.
Singapore’s water price did not rise at all from 2000 to 2016, and Hong Kong’s water
prices
haven’t changed since 1996, even as the price of everything else has risen.
The US-led sanctions regime and low oil
prices
have battered the Russian economy, which is expected to contract by 0.8% in 2016.
I asked this question of recent homebuyers on the theory that fear of job loss might help explain the remarkable boom in home
prices
in the US (as well as many other advanced countries).
After all, people who fear losing their jobs may seek greater economic security by investing in real property in their own wealthy country, bidding up
prices
in the process.
This is far better than the contraction that occurred from 2011 to 2013, but one would expect a growth surge in an economy benefiting from a favorable exchange rate, record-low interest rates and the plunge in oil
prices.
In particular, lower energy and commodity
prices
are likely to dampen inflationary pressure.
Add falling commodity and energy
prices
to the mix and there is a risk that inflation expectations will remain too low to sustain a balanced recovery.
The Fed should regard lower commodity prices, reduced inflationary pressures, changes in the labor market, and further disruptive technological shifts as sufficiently convincing arguments to postpone a rate hike.
In the short term, Americans would have to make modest economic sacrifices in the form of higher fuel
prices.
They must also end public subsidies for coal as soon as possible, within the next few years, while ensuring that poor and vulnerable communities do not suffer from an increase in energy
prices.
The credit boom of the past decade highlighted the inadequacy of focusing only on prices, and underscored the need for the monetary authority of a country (or group of countries in the case of the European Central Bank and the eurozone) to monitor the financial sector.
Share
prices
rose 30% in 2013 alone, and house
prices
increased 13% in the same twelve months.
European exporters generally invoice their exports in dollars and adjust their dollar
prices
very slowly, a point made clear in an important paper that Gita Gopinath of Harvard presented at the Federal Reserve’s Jackson Hole conference in August 2015.
In the US, the QE strategy has increased the “core” inflation rate – which excludes the direct effect of declining
prices
of energy and food – to 2.1% over the past 12 months.
The ECB’s quantitative easing policy can probably achieve higher inflation only through the increase in import
prices
resulting from a decline in the value of the euro.
Long-term interest rates fell, equity
prices
rose, and the euro declined relative to the dollar.
The authority and power of Putin’s regime, too, was (largely) a function of globalization – specifically, the huge surge in oil
prices.
Followed closely by a collapse in commodity prices, it dealt a devastating shock to the “transition economies.”
At around $30 a barrel, oil
prices
are remaining high even though a soft global economy means that world demand is low.
This strategy is dictated by the fact that oil
prices
are more volatile--and therefore more destabilizing for the budget--than fluctuations in GDP.
Three Cures for Three CrisesA full-scale financial crisis is triggered by a sharp fall in the
prices
of a large set of assets that banks and other financial institutions own, or that make up their borrowers’ financial reserves.
The cure depends on which of three modes define the fall in asset
prices.
The first – and “easiest” – mode is when investors refuse to buy at normal
prices
not because they know that economic fundamentals are suspect, but because they fear that others will panic, forcing everybody to sell at fire-sale
prices.
In the second mode, asset
prices
fall because investors recognize that they should never have been as high as they were, or that future productivity growth is likely to be lower and interest rates higher.
Either way, current asset
prices
are no longer warranted.
Banks are highly leveraged institutions with relatively small capital bases, so even a relatively small decline in the
prices
of assets that they or their borrowers hold can leave them unable to pay off depositors, no matter how long the liquidation process.
But if the central bank reduces interest rates and credibly commits to keeping them low in the future, asset
prices
will rise.
The third mode is like the second: a bursting bubble or bad news about future productivity or interest rates drives the fall in asset
prices.
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