President
in sentence
4412 examples of President in a sentence
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, for example, was opposed to trade liberalization when she ran against Obama for president, and advocated a “pause” in free-trade negotiations.
It is a relief that the US finally has a
president
who can act, and what he has been doing will make a big difference.
As the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, famously said, the burqa is “not welcome in France.”
The problem in Asia often arises from something the French call "cohabitation" - an awkward arrangement by which a directly elected
president
must co-exist with a parliament controlled by a rival party or parties.
The elected
president
wants to act, but the assembly refuses to approve the necessary laws.
Indonesia also risks deadlock if, as seems likely, the election on September 20 produces a
president
from a different party than the one that controls parliament.
That mission was completed in 1994, when apartheid fell and South Africans chose Mandela as their first democratically elected
president.
I was 14 then, old enough to understand how unusual it was for an incumbent African
president
to retire willingly.
Now that the PiS’s actions have been universally condemned, it is holding out until the end of the year, when the current constitutional court president’s mandate expires.
After that, the PiS will appoint a friendlier president, who will no doubt dance to whatever tune it plays.
But a newly appointed
president
likely won’t end Poland’s constitutional crisis, because with valid court judgments from this summer remaining unpublished, there is now a black hole in Poland’s constitutional order.
When the local United Steelworkers union
president
complained publicly, the famously thin-skinned Trump responded by getting into a Twitter spat, blaming the union
president
for the lost jobs.
After the 2008 election, Putin had to find ways to manage Russia’s newly elected president, Dmitry Medvedev.
First, Putin would seek to position himself as
president
for life, by holding a referendum to eliminate the constitutional limit of two consecutive presidential terms.
Or he could be elected as the
president
of the Union State of Russia and Belarus, with Belarus’s current president, Alexander Lukashenko, serving as prime minister.
If the Greek parliament does not elect a new
president
by a two-thirds majority in next week’s third and final round, it will be dissolved and a snap election will be called.
A miracle could occur: a new
president
could be elected in Athens next week, or Syriza might not win the next parliamentary election.
This is not a new problem for the US, whose constitution is based on the eighteenth-century liberal view that power is best controlled by fragmentation and countervailing checks and balances, with the
president
and Congress forced to compete for control in areas like foreign policy.
The president’s supporters have declared that “defending Morsi is defending Islam.”
Former Deputy Finance Minister Jin Liqun, whom the government has nominated to be the first
president
of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, has indicated that the AIIB’s successful launch was driven by such ministerial cooperation.
Chen, as a sitting president, cannot be indicted even though the prosecutor says that he has evidence to prove his guilt.
Chen can remain in office until his term ends in 2008, or he could resign now in order to let his vice
president
and pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) rebuild to win the next election.
Whatever his decision, Taiwan’s first DPP
president
will go down in history as a pathetic failure, because he used his office to divide the island’s citizens, as if his domestic political opponents were Taiwan’s mortal enemies.
Unfortunately, over the past four years, America's
president
has lost the credibility necessary to exercise that leadership.
Presidents do make a difference, but every
president
operates within constraints.
Some suggest that the US constitution provided fewer constraints on the
president
in the conduct of foreign policy, because the requisite checks and balances were to be provided by the powers of the time - Britain and France.
Economists mocked them and Romano Prodi, the
president
of the European Commission at the time, called them “stupid.”
If this year’s elections result in a centrist French
president
and a revival of Franco-German cooperation, the EU’s unexpected infatuation with market fundamentalism will probably end.
And Congress is not about to pass an Enabling Act conferring dictatorial powers on the president, as the Reichstag did for Hitler in March 1933.
Blatter, the
president
of FIFA, the Cup’s organizing body, wants the afterglow of an exciting month of play to blot out the corruption and backroom deals – and, most recently, a ticket scandal – that have roiled his tenure.
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