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Powers in sentence

2831 examples of Powers in a sentence

When the Ottoman Empire collapsed at the end of World War I, the great powers of the day, Britain and France, carved out successor states in order to ensure their control over the Middle East’s oil, geopolitics, and transit routes to Asia.
The result has been an unmitigated catastrophe: the destruction of Iraq as a functioning society in an ongoing civil war, fueled by outside powers, that has caused economic ruin and collapsing living standards.
After decades of cynical and often secret interventions by the US, Britain, France, Russia, and other outside powers, the region’s political institutions are based largely on corruption, sectarian politics, and brute force.
The UN Security Council should provide an international framework in which the major powers pull back, lift crippling economic sanctions, and abide by political agreements reached by the region’s own governments and factions.
Iran, Turkey, Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and other neighbors know one another well enough – thanks to 2,000-plus years of trade and war – to sort out the pieces themselves, without interference from the US, Russia, and the former colonial powers of Europe.
I am not claiming that all will be well if the US and other powers pull back.
But lasting solutions will not be found as long as the US and other foreign powers continue to meddle in the region.
For example, the victorious powers in World War I invoked the principle of self-determination, but after the dismantlement of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1918, the Sudetenland was incorporated into Czechoslovakia, even though its inhabitants spoke German.
Then colonial powers carved up the continent artificially and arbitrarily, masking their greed behind noble-sounding goals: theirs was a “civilizing” mission.
Asia’s long history of rivalry and competition among its various powers has also been an important factor in its recent economic success.
But Shia leaders will lose their constituents’ support if they formally surrender any of the powers denied them for decades under Saddam.
This public warning was reinforced with an intensive behind-the-scenes diplomatic effort to send Assad’s government a strong signal that chemical-weapon deployment could not be ignored by Arab countries or global powers, including China and Russia.
Whether or not the Sykes-Picot Agreement is the main reason for the Middle East’s troubles, one thing is certain: the imposition of capriciously drawn borders by colonial powers has not been a uniquely Middle Eastern phenomenon.
During the “Scramble for Africa” (which lasted from roughly the late 1860s until 1905), European powers signed hundreds of bilateral and multilateral agreements that partitioned the largely unexplored continent into protectorates, free-trade areas, and colonies.
Second, vast geographic differences across ethnic homelands in many African countries, together with these countries’ sprawling size and inadequate infrastructure left by the colonial powers, has meant that national governments have struggled to govern effectively beyond the metropoles.
There is no denying that external powers’ mapmaking has had a powerful influence on Africa’s development.
These leaders’ attitudes recall the worst behavior of their predecessors, many of whom engaged centuries ago with the West’s rising imperial powers to halt the growth of indigenous industry.
In the last years of the increasingly unstable Weimar Republic, as democracy was fraying, German governments started to use their opponents’ radicalism in an effort to extract security concessions from the Western powers.
Xi of ArabiaBEIJING – Those who have criticized China’s cautious foreign policy need to reconsider their position, following President Xi Jinping’s just-completed visit to Saudi Arabia and Iran – two major Middle Eastern powers that are currently at each other’s throats.
External powers like France, Russia, and, of course, the US are also deeply involved, each with its own geopolitical objectives.
They have also had to come to terms with the fact that the United States is no longer prepared to take the lead in every crisis, and that rising global powers – such as China, India, and Brazil – are not yet prepared to contribute effectively to maintaining a stable global order.
There has not yet been a direct military conflict between any major powers, nor have the EU or eurozone collapsed.
Since then, the government has installed an unconstitutional Constituent Assembly with full powers, deregistered the three main opposition parties, sacked elected mayors and deputies, and stolen three elections.
On this view, the privatizations of the 1990’s were a scam serving only the powers that be.
The assignment of exceptionally broad powers to the executive president under the new constitution reflects a populist vision of government according to which the elected leader, as the true representative of the nation, should not be hindered in pursuing the nation’s interests.
Their identities and borders were established by Western imperial powers after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.
Rather, costs are low because for almost two centuries colonial powers and then domestic governments hobbled markets and restricted international trade, leaving a legacy of wages so low that they offset weaker productivity.
US regulators, for example, cannot first try bankruptcy before deploying their expanded powers under the 2010 Dodd-Frank financial-reform legislation; if they did, the bankrupt firm’s counterparties in the derivatives and repo markets would close out their contracts and dump their collateral as soon as they could.
Regulators could not go back and fix it with their new Dodd-Frank powers, because the firm would already be ripped asunder.
Trump’s “America First” strategy and Xi’s “Chinese dream” are founded on a common premise: that the world’s two biggest powers have complete latitude to act in their own interest.
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