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Powers in sentence

2831 examples of Powers in a sentence

Italians will vote on whether to strip the Senate (the parliament’s upper house) of two-thirds of its members and much of its legislative authority, making it merely a talking shop akin to Germany’s Bundesrat, and return some of the regions’ powers to the central government.
Some state institutions dislike the idea of delivering more powers to the executive branch; magistrates, for example, fear a loss of judges’ extensive and unchecked powers.
This attests to Western powers’ fundamental interest in a stable Turkey, which the EU needs in order to stop further waves of immigrants, mainly from Syria, and which the US needs for its war, limited as it is, against the Islamic State.
By World War I, Britain ranked only fourth among the great powers in terms of military personnel, fourth in GDP, and third in military spending.
In reality, the Made in China 2025 strategy – which, incidentally, is inspired partly by the US government’s own massive investment in research and development – seeks to raise China’s manufacturing ability only to the average level of the world’s major manufacturing powers by 2035 (not 2025), a rather modest goal.
If the tension between the two powers dominates global politics in the decades to come, they won’t be able to avoid taking a stance.
And the problems are not solved with a financial regulatory bill entrusting more powers to those regulators.
After all, the deal was the result of negotiations involving six major powers, including, unusually, China and Russia.
Then, in the middle of the 19 th century, China suffered at the hands of European imperial powers, which gained technological and industrial superiority over China, using this to force trading concessions from the Ching Dynasty.
And, while many will remember when a Chinese leadership transition was a political and cultural curiosity that had few direct economic implications for the world’s major powers, those days are long gone.
The most recent offer by the six powers – the UN Security Council’s five permanent members plus Germany – is on the table, and it goes very far to accommodate Iran’s interests.
Such a dialogue would have focused on pushing Venezuela’s regime to comply with the commitments mediated by the Vatican last autumn, including holding free and fair elections this year, releasing political prisoners, restoring the National Assembly’s constitutional powers, and accepting humanitarian assistance.
So the European Union and the other Kyoto parties (the United States never ratified the agreement, and the Protocol’s terms asked little of China, India, and other emerging powers) must commit to a second commitment period, in order to ensure that this legal framework is maintained.
Russian President Vladimir Putin wants to restore an international order based on exclusive spheres of influence controlled by major powers – the system that prevailed in Europe’s war-torn eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
All of these issues test the region’s ability to manage peace and mitigate tensions between its main powers – and thus underscore the concern that Hatoyama and Rudd raised.
As Australian and Japanese initiatives fade, attention now turns to ASEAN, which has put in place norms for peace that all major powers affirm.
Western powers are hardly blameless for the Middle East’s woes.
The two global powers active in the region have already clearly positioned themselves in this conflict, with the US siding with Saudi Arabia and Russia with Iran.
Of course, engaging in a war led by powers that view Lebanon merely as a piece of a broader strategic puzzle is not in the country’s best interests.
It is critical, therefore, that the EU demonstrate its commitment to the Iranian people through actions, rather than words – a complaint that many Iranians level against Western powers – by taking a tougher stance against the regime.
When the world’s two leading nuclear powers behave like this, the prospect of another major war in the Middle East becomes all the more terrifying.
Modi is determined to reform India’s economy and lead the country into the front rank of world powers.
It is now possible for Asia’s greatest powers – China, India, Japan, and the US – to form something akin to the concert system that gave Europe a century of almost complete peace in the nineteenth century.
The second option, per Section 4 of the 25th Amendment to the Constitution, would require the vice president and the cabinet or Congress to declare the president “unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office.”
Let Russia Be RussiaTEL AVIV – In his famous “X” article, published in 1947, George F. Kennan argued that the Soviet Union’s hostility toward the United States was virtually inexorable, given that it was rooted not in a classic conflict of interest between great powers, but in a deep-seated nationalism and insecurity.
To this end, Putin has maximized the foreign-policy value of Russia’s vast oil and gas reserves, enabling the Kremlin to build partnerships with rising Asian powers, especially China.
Specifically, it has stepped up military cooperation with other Asia-Pacific countries, encouraged other claimants to territory in the South China Sea to shore up their defenses, and supported a more active role in regional security for democratic powers like Australia, India, and even Japan.
They know that when two great powers bargain with each other, it is countries like them that usually lose.
Moreover, this “global NATO” has raised concerns among great powers.
The same night that Germany was thrashed by the Italians in the championship’s semi-finals, German Chancellor Angela Merkel ran up against the limits of her own powers at the eurozone leaders’ summit in Brussels.
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