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Powers in sentence

2831 examples of Powers in a sentence

In response, they believe that Iran must be aggressive in defending its interests, forming strategic alliances with Russia and other regional powers, and using Iran's influence in Iraq to prevent a pro-American, anti-Iran government from emerging in Baghdad.
As the world’s two leading powers, the US and China must figure out how to work together in such unstable conditions.
All of this presupposes that the powers of the EU’s supranational institutions, the European Parliament and the European Commission, will be significantly augmented.
A special Assembly of the European Parliament, comprising the eurozone members, should have powers – on the model of a national parliament – to legislate and control the executive.
Chinese elites are convinced that time is working in their favor, and that it is only natural that China should regain its rank amongst the world leading powers, perhaps even emerging on top one day.
Whether Socrates’ humility was sincere or a secret joke at the expense of the powers that be (before said powers put him to death after tiring of his irreverence), the point is that the beginning of wisdom lies in the recognition of how little we really know.
So, at its foundation, only one powerful body was introduced, the Security Council on which the world's great military powers sat.
This bodes ill for improved relations with Iran in the short run, and makes it imperative that Western powers unite to make it unambiguously clear that any use of nuclear weapons or materials by Iran or terror groups aligned with Iran will result in an immediate and devastating response.
Much of the history of the two centuries since Beethoven composed his opera has centered on that quest for freedom: the fight against colonial powers, the campaigns for basic human rights, the resistance to modern totalitarian and authoritarian regimes.
For example, he might have to abandon his plan to expand the presidency’s powers, which has already provoked strong opposition even within the AKP.
South Korea and Japan – both important players in the global economy and close US partners – are under immediate threat, whereas China and Russia, North Korea’s two northern neighbors, are global nuclear powers with their own interests in the dispute.
A military confrontation on the Korean Peninsula could lead to a nightmare scenario in which nuclear weapons are used, or even to a larger clash between nuclear-armed global powers.
Indeed, the outlines of this new nuclear age are already visible:Important political leaders, especially in the two biggest nuclear powers, the US and Russia, know today’s existing risks and tomorrow’s emerging ones all too well.
Nearly equally worrisome is the nuclear redefinition of state sovereignty because it will not only lead to a large number of small, politically unstable nuclear powers, but will also increase the risk of proliferation into the hands of terrorists.
An international initiative for the renewal and improvement of the international control regime, led by both big nuclear powers, is urgently needed to meet these and all other risks of the new nuclear age.
Here, the willingness of nuclear powers to implement their commitment to disarmament, as agreed in the NPT, is of prime importance.
If the established powers that first benefited from the globalization of trade are known as the G-7, the countries, regions, and organizations that are benefiting from migration – China, India, Kurdistan, Israel, ISIS, Turkey, and Niger – could be called the M-7.
Bush Loses in the Supreme Court and America WinsTwo rulings of the United States Supreme Court this week rejected the sweeping wartime powers claimed by President Bush.
But there has been no consistent effort to strengthen their powers.
Consider, for example, the proliferation of wide-ranging patent-protection powers through bilateral and multilateral trade and investment agreements.
These powers have been extended to new activities that were not previously considered areas of technological innovation, such as finance and business methods.
Another, more sinister possibility is deliberate abuse of these powers to get rid of citizens whose presence in the country is merely inconvenient.
Urban land prices in major Japanese cities have steadily dropped over much of the period since 1991, as the enormous faith in the miraculous powers of Japanese capitalism gradually faded.
This will create space for rising powers like China, but it will also expose the world to a period of heightened geopolitical uncertainty.
The rise of new economic powers with lower costs made employment loss in old industries like textiles, iron and steel, and shipbuilding inevitable.
The Northern industrial world was not yet ready to recognize the new weight of the emerging powers and the need to strike a new balance between North and South, East and West.
In today’s global age, with the rise of emerging powers and the relative decline of the West, the only Europe that will be taken seriously is a Europe that can speak and be seen as one.
Much, then, depends on the Chinese, whose self-defeating regional diplomacy has managed to push a listless and defense-shy Japanese government into closer cooperation with the US on security matters, and has inspired South Korea to seek out strategic partnerships with other Asian powers, including India.
Perhaps if sovereign rights had been better respected, with outside powers supporting consensus-building processes instead of coups d’état, political breakthroughs could have been achieved, opening the way for economy-boosting initiatives against relatively stable backgrounds.
So it is past time for all three powers, together with Japan and Russia, to start talking and planning ahead, jointly.
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