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Powers in sentence

2831 examples of Powers in a sentence

In the West, liberalism preceded democracy: separation of powers, freedom of expression, and the rule of law were already in place before elites agreed to expand the franchise and submit to popular rule.
So does the disturbing continuity between the absence of legality prior to the occupation and now, under the formal authority of the occupying powers.
While US Chief Administrator Paul Bremer recently vested authority in a number of judges, their powers are extremely limited, and apply only to present violations, not the sustained abuses of human rights that defined Saddam's regime.
Mr Cao was careful to stay within the bounds of moderate reformism, yet he openly called for reform within five areas of governance: the constitution, separation of powers, elections, political parties, and the culture of politics.
Such tectonic shifts are jarring enough for the large powers that bring them about; for smaller countries, they can be even more disorienting.
It does not help that the emerging powers are less bound to international human rights norms and conventions, and thus less likely to attempt to enforce them.
The result was the empire’s dismantling, with the victorious powers, Britain and France, grabbing hegemonic control over its remnants.
Regional associations not only enhance power and security; they also encourage and strengthen engagement with emerging powers outside of the neighborhood.
A future in which regional powers like Turkey, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia (which has worked closely with Pakistan on the nuclear front) possess threshold nuclear capabilities is becoming more likely that ever.
If the Palestine issue is not resolved soon, there can be no lasting alliances with “moderate” Sunni powers to counter Iran.
Given all of these rivalries, I believe that the only path to regional peace and stability runs not through incremental agreements, but through a “grand accord” that reconciles all of the powers’ deepest national-security interests.
But other elements of the northern powerhouse plan are just as important, especially the devolution of significant decision-making powers – and some spending and revenue powers – to the city level, in exchange for electing mayors (something the UK can learn from the US).
Given that infrastructure investment is a key element of his agenda, and that devolution of powers to the states is popular among US Republicans, there certainly seems to be space for such an approach.
The central point of this crisis was the determined bid by the European Parliament to grab new, uncovenanted powers to criticise and censure individual Commissioners, not just the Commission as a collegiate body.
In the face of the totalitarian challenges of fascism and communism in the twentieth century, Europe and the United States have become aware that the rule of law, separation of powers, and democracy decisively determine foreign policy and matter greatly from the point of view of international security.
Before too long, Russia’s “managed” (read: authoritarian) modernization will also have to allow for the rule of law and a functioning separation of powers, or the country will remain dependent on oil and gas prices and mired in a brutal struggle for power, influence, and money.
Only small concessions have been made to scaling back government intervention, affecting powers that are either irrelevant or never actually existed.
First, China’s powerful bureaucracy is disinclined to cede its powers in the name of liberalization and a shift toward a more market-oriented economy.
Preliminary assessments that my colleagues and I recently carried outsuggest that even if the US decides to wage a unilateral Cold War, its chances against Russia, China, and other emerging powers would not be very good.
The world’s major powers should concentrate on strengthening international strategic stability through dialogue; reopening channels of communications between militaries; and restoring civility to their interactions.
But if we are wise, we can build a more balanced international system, one in which the major powers will deter one another while cooperating to solve global problems.
They should remind Obama of what foreign-policy experts Nina Hachigian and David Shorr have recently called “the responsibility doctrine”: great powers have an active responsibility to uphold global norms and solve global problems.
Tusk reiterated this position just before the recent informal European Council summit in Bratislava – the first not to include the United Kingdom – declaring that “giving new powers to European institutions is not the desired recipe.”
The reality of the atomic bomb precludes large-scale war between world powers; governments intervene, upon global agreement, with large-scale bailouts; and today’s Western societies and emerging powers are much richer than those still devastated by World War I.
Today, the hopes of the world economy rest with the emerging powers in east and south Asia, led by China and India.
And when it comes to preserving national “face,” Russia and India are perhaps touchier than most countries;Russia has always felt looked down upon by western European powers, and India is still reckoning with a legacy of colonial humiliation.
While the Western powers have embraced ever-harsher sanctions, Russia and China view Iran as a tool in their global competition with the US.
Behind closed doors, governments wield financial incentives and regulatory powers to mute media criticism and twist editorial content in their favor.
More frequently, uncertainty leads to someone claiming to know how to eliminate it - frequently through arbitrary powers that benefit but a few.
Instead, Europe is starting to look like the loser in a new geopolitical order dominated by the US and emerging powers led by China.”
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