Policies in sentence

9025 examples of Policies in a sentence

It provides no tools to ensure implementation of the policies and measures needed to keep global warming “well below” two degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels, the threshold that forms the centerpiece of the deal.

In international relations, energy was used as an instrument for “divide and rule,” “carrot and stick,” and “blackmail or bluff” policies.

This is all the more urgent, given that consumers will not accept policies aimed at reducing emissions, such as a carbon tax, if they do not have an affordable alternative; after all, no one is expecting a drop in overall energy consumption.

But with political support for a clean-energy transition and climate-change mitigation stronger than ever before, the time is right to implement such policies.

But, while his government’s policies helped to put Russia on the path to recovery, public- and private-sector entities worldwide also contributed, devoting time, energy, and capital to helping Russia to discard inefficient Soviet-era structures and pursue a society based on democratic principles, the rule of law, and a market economy.

And they have funded programs aimed at creating and implementing effective policies to secure Russia’s vast nuclear arsenal at a time when the country’s ability to do so was dangerously weak.

But the Putin government’s policies, and the ways in which they are being implemented, do not do justice to Russia’s past, present, or future.

Mnuchin has requested from the International Monetary Fund a “frank and candid analysis” of member countries’ exchange-rate policies, to determine whether China is deliberately keeping its currency undervalued.

But the terrorist attacks on the US in September 2001 pressed Japan to recognize that it must begin to exercise greater autonomy and independent judgment in formulating and implementing its national security policies.

Uncontrolled migration from today’s poor and conflict-ridden regions will become overwhelming, regardless of migration policies, if climate change, extreme poverty, and lack of skills and education undermine the development potential of Africa, Central America and the Caribbean, the Middle East, and Central Asia.

Markets also welcome the fact that the Fed’s hyperactive experimentation is forcing other central banks around the world to pursue more expansionary policies.

Pushed further away from best-case scenarios, they are unable to ignore the global liquidity impact of the Fed’s policies, yet they lack the right policy tools to address it.

Investors worry about the longer-term consequences of political dysfunction, another year of European economic contraction, disastrously high unemployment, unprecedented – and thus untested – central bank policies, and increasing global tensions.

With insufficient endogenous healing and no economic escape velocity, the effectiveness of central banks’ policies wanes and political dysfunction increases, leading to financial losses, volatility spikes, and huge risk-management challenges.

To be sure, Africa owes its lack of industrialization more to structural factors such as unfavorable investment climates, insufficient infrastructure, and wayward industrial policies.

It will be incumbent on African governments to implement forward-looking labor-market policies to invest in human capital, and, most important, to create jobs in labor-intensive manufacturing.

Nonetheless, at the IMF and in advanced countries, the prevailing view remains that capital controls are a last resort – to be used only after conventional macroeconomic and financial policies have been exhausted.

But, for the most part, fiscal and monetary policies have so far not followed leaders’ rhetorical promises of deep structural reforms and redistribution to favor the indigenous and the poor.

The paradox is that while anxiety over China’s growing assertiveness has returned the US to the center of Asian geopolitics and enabled it to strengthen its security arrangements in the region, this has not led to action aimed at quelling China’s expansionary policies.

Combined with sweeping government benefit policies that classify millions of people living in Chernobyl-affected areas as invalids, such myths encouraged fatalistic and passive behaviors and created a “culture of dependency” among affected communities.

What the region needs are policies aimed at generating new livelihoods rather than reinforcing dependency; public-health campaigns that address the lifestyle issues (smoking and drinking) that undermine health across the former Soviet Union; and community development initiatives that promote self-reliance and a return to normalcy.

France is also trying to return to old policies of bailing out unprofitable private companies on the verge of collapse with taxpayers' money.

The extent to which growth creates opportunities and improves living standards depends on an array of structural and institutional economic policies, including many in areas outside of education and redistribution (the areas most commonly featured in discussions about inequality).

Appropriate policies regarding macroeconomics, trade, and financial stability will remain crucial to establishing the basic conditions for the efficient allocation of resources underpinning growth.

But such policies are only part of the solution.

Both types of policies – macroeconomic management and measures that boost inclusiveness – deserve equal attention in national economic strategies.

Such policies are often implemented in response to fiscal or balance-of-payments crises and frequently squeeze living standards in the short term.

The best antidote to bureaucratic powers is free market policies.

Nixon won resoundingly, but Burns’ policies helped set off the worldwide inflation of the 1970s and brought forward the breakup of the post-war system of fixed exchange rates.

For decades, political debate in Europe focused largely on economic institutions and policies.

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