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Policies in sentence

9025 examples of Policies in a sentence

With regard to domestic policy, the failures began even earlier: from Reaganomics in the 1980s to Obamacare in the 2010s, major policies have often overpromised and underperformed, while failing to address underlying problems.
Since the 1990s, it has not invested sufficiently in human capital to meet the fast-changing economy’s shifting skill requirements; undertaken no effective education, environmental, or labor-market reforms; and launched no new urban initiatives or future-proofing infrastructure policies.
These trends have culminated in Trump, whose most popular policies focus on destruction, rather than creation.
From the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) to the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) policy, Trump likes to reverse past policies, without devising anything to replace them.
A stronger dollar could be taken to mean that his pro-growth economic policies are working.
But Trump’s belligerent policies are putting this privileged position at risk.
The longer he maintains such policies, the more likely it is that markets will gradually move toward alternatives to the dollar.
Finally, farmers’ organizations, which are crucial intermediaries between producers and corporate investors, must be involved in the formulation of plans and policies aimed at agricultural development.
But that is not all: With knowledge, technology, infrastructure, and enabling policies, smallholder farmers in Africa and elsewhere can drive sustainable agricultural development, contribute to global food security, and catalyze economic growth worldwide.
Argentina’s hardball tactics and erratic policies did not endear it to investors.
First, the imperative to oppose racism trumps opposition to neoliberal policies.
Above all, I lack evidence to convince my comrades at DiEM25, the Democracy in Europe Movement, to trust Macron’s capacity and willingness to clash with an establishment that is pursuing the failed policies that have fed support for Le Pen.
These variations are rooted in differences in national policies, which highlights the fundamental flaw in the idea that solutions to European countries’ problems lie mainly at the EU level.
After all, the EU’s future depends on its members’ policies, which, in turn, depend on their diverse and variable political situations.
As it stands, there is no shortage of resistance to freedom-oriented reform and pressure to pursue statist policies.
If believers in traditional European values fail to ensure that their voices, too, are heard, hazy rhetoric will continue to overshadow constructive debate of the EU’s problems – and misguided policies will continue to undermine Europe’s prospects.
No, a large part of the divide is a direct result of domestic policies that suppress Internet and technology use.
But the ways governments in developing countries exacerbate the divide through their own regulatory policies are much less well understood.
Without technology-friendly regulations and public policies, no amount of donations or technical training will make much of a difference.
Regulatory policies have often been unfriendly to digital development and innovation, even where traditional telecommunications have been liberalized.
The bottom line is that regulatory policies in developing countries, particularly countries in Africa, often bear much of the responsibility for low Internet penetration and slow adoption of technology.
The years 1985 to 2000 were the era in which development was to be financed by private lending to countries that adopted the market-friendly and market-conforming policies that were supposed to lead to high returns and rapid growth.
Other urgently needed reforms, such as to taxation and family policies, are also being postponed.
We also need policies that address the interconnections among technology, governance, and ethics.
Iran will not change its regional policies overnight.
With or without a nuclear deal, Iran, which was disinvited from the Geneva II conference on Syria, because of its rejection of the conference’s US-inspired terms of reference, aspires to challenge America’s policies and represent an alternative path for the region.
Among US presidents, George W. Bush identified most strongly with this right-wing Israeli philosophy, and his war in Iraq and policies toward Iran accorded with it perfectly.
Thaksin’s rural development policies were clearly welcomed by people who, for the first time, felt connected to the leaders they had elected.
The new consensus is stated succinctly by Nouriel Roubini: the backlash against globalization “can be contained and managed through policies that compensate workers for its collateral damage and costs,” he argues.
“Only by enacting such policies will globalization’s losers begin to think that they may eventually join the ranks of its winners.”
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