Policies
in sentence
9025 examples of Policies in a sentence
And the rich world does have a moral obligation to move first and faster – with policies, technologies, and finance – to reduce the emissions that cause global warming.
The
policies
that China will adopt as part of its new five-year plan will shrink its trade and current-account surpluses.
After all, the
policies
that China will implement in the next few years target the country’s enormous saving rate – the cause of its large current-account surplus.
These
policies
are motivated by domestic considerations, as the Chinese government seeks to raise living standards more rapidly than the moderating growth rate of GDP.
But she acknowledged that the inevitable exit from ultra-easy monetary
policies
in the US and other developed economies could trigger financial-market instability in emerging economies, and pledged IMF support, including on a precautionary or pre-emptive basis, to assist them.
Over the long term, owing to increasing populations, expanding middle classes, and rapid productivity gains, emerging-market economies that pursue sound
policies
will continue to grow much faster than developed economies.
Instead of boosting infrastructure investment, governments have pursued austerity
policies
that are particularly harmful to low-skill workers.
The economic
policies
of the 1990s might have taken a different path if Bill Clinton had listened more to his labor secretary, Robert Reich, an academic and progressive policy advocate, and less to his Treasury secretary, Robert Rubin, a former Goldman Sachs executive.
One team of economists has found that respondents “primed” by references to lobbyists or the Wall Street bailout display significantly lower levels of support for anti-poverty
policies.
But a progressive left that is able to stand up to nativist politics will have to deliver a good story, in addition to good
policies.
It embraced macroeconomic prudence, liberalized its economic policies, signed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), invested in education, and implemented innovative
policies
to combat poverty.
In the absence of productive development
policies
of the type used in East Asia, modern firms may have not been able to expand rapidly enough.
The beneficiaries of globalization are typically those countries that complemented it with a strategy to promote new activities,
policies
that favored the real economy over finance, and sequential reforms that emphasized high-productivity employment.
In the end, the effects of efficiency-minded reforms have been offset by factors – social insurance
policies
and market imperfections – that systematically channel too many resources to informal firms and create obstacles to formal firms.
When they do not, or when other
policies
perversely counter them, the results will be disappointing.
The second lesson is that countries need to pay close attention to how social insurance
policies
affect the behavior of firms and workers.
Rather, they require targeted, country-specific reforms that remove actual obstacles to the expansion of modern sectors, and social
policies
that are compatible with structural transformation.
Indeed, that is the key to understanding not only the vote count, but also Israeli public opinion, the next government, and its
policies.
For the French, as for all Europeans, the EU is not a foreign entity, and its decisions are an integral part of domestic
policies.
But regional neighbors find it hard to criticize one another’s
policies
and demand course corrections.
Delinking the CMIM from the IMF will require Asian countries to undertake hard-hitting reviews of one another’s
policies
and to demand difficult policy adjustments.
They could issue a Financial Stability Report that bluntly flags weak
policies
and financial vulnerabilities.
In short, emerging economies have been challenged by externally generated macroeconomic shifts, unconventional monetary policies, widespread volatility, and slow growth in developed markets.
As the classic sources of early comparative advantage dwindle, countries – particularly earlier-stage developing countries – will need to implement
policies
that feature services (including tradable services) more prominently; they will also need to adjust their investment in human capital.
His erratic foreign
policies
are spooking world leaders, multinational corporations, and global markets generally.
But, as the vacillation in financial markets since Trump’s inauguration indicates, the president’s inconsistent, erratic, and destructive
policies
will take their toll on domestic and global economic growth in the long run.
Western democracies are facing serious internal threats – most notably, populist forces espousing dangerous
policies
like trade protectionism – that have risen largely in response to these systems’ failure to manage problems such as income inequality, political polarization, rising debt, and failing infrastructure.
By contrast, when China’s leaders formulate and execute policies, they tend to think in terms of decades.
The US – and, indeed, the rest of the world – should also be pursuing
policies
that support this outcome.
For China, that probably means ratcheting up economic incentives on North Korea to change its nuclear
policies.
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