Policies
in sentence
9025 examples of Policies in a sentence
Moreover, neither oil and gas deposits nor imperialist
policies
will stop Russia’s decline.
To be sure, states are still following traditional interest-oriented
policies.
But such
policies
will be less and less able to guarantee peace and stability in the future.
But they will have little direct effect on Russia’s energy relations with Europe, because they do not oblige Russia to adopt more competitive and transparent energy transport and investment
policies.
But the EU so far has chosen to ignore that Gazprom’s monopoly is a clear violation of the anti-trust and competition
policies
of the revised Rome Treaty and WTO obligations.
The most effective way to tackle that problem is to advance integration, through concrete
policies
that support education and social assimilation, as well as more open dialogue among various groups.
Negative nominal policy interest rates are a more recent phase of these
policies.
Such policies, known as financial repression, usually involve a strong connection between the government, the central bank, and the financial sector.
To its credit, the Brazilian government has revoked
policies
that had previously encouraged land clearing in the Amazon, and has mandated that 80% of privately owned forestland be used only for sustainable management of forest resources.
This mechanism could help establish a system to pay for the maintenance of standing forests and support
policies
that comprehend the Amazon’s global value.
Which
Policies
Should Have Priority?
And most countries’ politics have proverbial “third rail” issues –
policies
or programs (say, state pensions) that are so sacrosanct that any policymaker who touches them faces instant political death.
We see how one country’s policies, whether pertaining to work, the environment, public health, taxation, or myriad other issues, can have a direct impact on others.
America’s subpar performance has not stopped others from emulating its
policies.
In other words, tax-favored health-insurance
policies
should have high deductibles.
For several decades, growth has served as a substitute for sensible social cohesion
policies.
The 2012 election is shaping up as a referendum on Obama’s
policies
and performance.
Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis famously described the states as “laboratories”: they should be allowed to experiment and learn from each other which
policies
work.
For example, Clinton and the Republican Congress based landmark 1996 welfare reform on
policies
originated by Wisconsin Governor Tommy Thompson and successfully emulated by New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani, both reformist Republicans.
First, and foremost, the plan would reform land
policies.
Holland does not have to sink into the North Sea before we do something about the world's climate; pensions do not have to decline to near-zero before social
policies
are adjusted.
Legal integration is increasing, and European Court verdicts have compelled member countries to change
policies.
Instead, Germany got a government that will implement a predetermined set of policies, contained in a 170-page agreement hammered out behind closed doors – one that promises more of the same.
Under the agreed deal, all participating countries are free to determine their own emissions-reduction targets and the
policies
for achieving them, and they may make revisions as they see fit.
This requires pushing interest rates as low as possible, and when these
policies
have run their course (such as when rates dip toward the negative), unconventional instruments like “quantitative easing” must be deployed to revive growth and inflation.
Central banks do not completely deny the economic costs that these
policies
imply: exuberance in financial markets, financing gaps in funded pension systems, and deeper wealth inequality, to name just a few.
Yet the
policies
pursued in recent years have given no room for the intangibles – unstable political environments, geopolitical tremors, or rising risks on financial markets – that can send models off course.
If expansionary
policies
fail to have the desired effect of lifting inflation to the predefined level of around 2%, they do not question their models; they simply increase the policy dosage – which is just what markets expect.
Clearly, such monetary
policies
create soaring costs and risks for the economy.
It would give central banks more room to incorporate the risks and costs of monetary
policies.
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