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Policies in sentence

9025 examples of Policies in a sentence

But the changing international environment, the threat of uncontrolled nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, and the new policies being worked out in the US might all be good reasons for Israel to consider revising its nuclear doctrine.
From bin Laden’s point of view, Bush’s policies were more useful for his efforts to recruit supporters than Kerry’s might have been.
Broader post-war experience supports the conclusion that domestic policies are what matter most.
Similarly, increasing the number of poor-country workers allowed to work in rich countries, and providing greater scope for growth-oriented policies by relaxing WTO rules and conditionality from the US, would produce greater long-term development impact.
The policies chosen are different, but all states favor solutions that seem most appropriate to them.
If we also take into account the strengthening of social services and legal policies launched last month, France’s stimulus in 2009 totals more than 2% of its GDP, with committed future outflows equaling the US.
It would be counterproductive to focus on treating the symptoms, only to realize later that the unprecedented budgets for structural policies are neither economically efficient nor politically acceptable.
With near-monopoly control of California’s state and local governments, the Democrats are trying to negate the effects of virtually all of Trump’s policies.
As California continues its efforts to negate the Trump administration’s policies, one wonders if its approach will lead to a constitutional challenge.
States certainly have the legal authority to adopt policies that are at odds with federal policy.
There is still time for governments to embrace restraint, explore diplomacy, and reconsider policies that threaten to undermine stability.
Based on figures from the International Energy Agency , China was already expected to reduce its carbon intensity by 40% without any new policies.
In Uganda, policies to promote organic agriculture have generated 200,000 certified farmers and strong export growth, from under $4 million in 2003 to nearly $23 million now.
New ideas and policies, especially when they challenge the status quo, will always have their critics.
How far it will fly will depend on smart policies by national governments in developed and developing countries, and on forward-looking policies by regional development banks, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and bilateral development finance by OECD countries.
This is the view heard most frequently from the political right – for example, from people who think that the main problem in the run-up to the financial meltdown of 2008 was government housing policies.
According to this view, government policies did not fail; on the contrary, they operated exactly as intended – and as bought and paid for.
He is also correct that many government policies favor relatively few big firms – and favor them in a way that encourages excessive and dangerous risk-taking.
At the end of the day, Asia’s developing countries need policies that support workers, rather than jobs.
While the UK would still have to contribute to the EU budget, it could repatriate responsibility for agriculture and fisheries policies and negotiate its own trade deals (for example, with China and India).
This would include coordinated monetary and fiscal policies across the G20 countries; renewed efforts to expand world trade; new national agendas addressing inequality and promoting social mobility; and a laser-like focus on science, technology, and innovation as the key to future growth.
And, while the US has many engineers of its own (and imports others, despite restrictive immigration policies), many other countries do not, exacerbating the challenges smaller start-ups there face in getting qualified people.
To succeed, they must address the fallout of the previous approach, which, by providing more money and preferential policies to the lagging track, ended up fueling overcapacity and unsustainable local debts.
As a result, conventional monetary and macro-prudential policies are caught between competing demands for credit, with one track needing to support productive growth and the other attempting to buy time for restructuring.
Small countries are the sole exception, because they can pursue beggar-thy-neighbor policies aimed at poaching corporations from their neighbors.
Moreover, for ten years, stewardship from Brussels has failed to bring about reform of national policies, and it is not clear that additional or more automatic sanctions would elicit a greater sense of “ownership” of the rules.
The way out of this dialogue of the deaf requires acknowledging that competitiveness is a relative concept, and that all national policies, including those of surplus countries, must be part of the discussion.
Democratic countries’ political establishments seem to be in a permanent state of torpor, fueling voter demand for strong leaders who promise to smash through political gridlock and sweep away bureaucratic resistance to bold new policies.
Because truly democratic policies must be inclusive, implementing reforms in a democracy takes time and effort; but the painful process of building broad pro-reform coalitions also ensures that those policies will endure.
In the US, too, policies in individual states such as California will drive technological progress, regardless of the federal government’s approach.
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